Technology and Education Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 4500 words

Technology and Education - Essay Example This study is vital as it can help in gaining a deeper understanding of the connection between technology and education. The paper will be divided into five sections. The first section is the introduction wherein the background of the study, the focus of research, and it significance and the structure of the paper are given. It guides the reader as to what may be expected from the entire study. The second section deals with the various learning theories. Discussion of constructivism, behaviourism, and audio-visual theories will be undertaken. These theories of learning provide a solid framework in which to understand the connection between use of technology and student-learning improvement. The third section will centre in laying down the advantages, limitations, and impact of the theories of learning to the integration of technology to education. This section highlights the presupposition that as each theory explains the reality of technology in education, its influence on the actual integration of technology in education varies. The fourth section will deal with the analysis. In this part of the pape r, BF Skinner’s behaviourism will be given more focus. Finally, the last segment of the paper will be the conclusion wherein the summary of the discussion as well as the position of the paper pertinent to the issue raise in this study will be given. In the end, theories of learning, especially behaviourism establishes a framework where technology becomes the tool, not just in learning but also in developing and re-enforcing positive behaviours towards learning. The Theories Three fundamental theories of learning will be discussed in this paper, namely, constructivism, audio-visual theories, and behaviourism. The selected theories provide an opportunity to see the theories of learning within a spectrum with constructivism on one side and behaviourism on the other end. Meanwhile, audio-visual theories present developments in technology have effect learning as it is

Weber’s The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism Essay Example for Free

Weber’s The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism Essay Maximilian Weber was a social scientist and political economist who is believed to be one of the fathers of the contemporary branch of public governance and sociology. Now better known as Max Weber, he was born on April 21, 1864 in Germany, the eldest among the brood of seven. His sociopolitical roots can be attributed to his father, Max Weber Sr. , who was a well-known elected official and social servant, while his modesty to her mother Helene Fallenstein. This sociopolitical inclination indeed ran in the family as Alfred Weber, his younger brother, was similarly a economist and sociologist (Turner, 1993). With Weber’s foremost and yet most influential oeuvre The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, a whole lot of his other shaping discourses contained in his journal began to circulate in 1904 (Ringer, 1997). In 1912, Weber made an attempt to institute a left-wing party in politics in an effort to coalesce liberals and social democrats. Though, this endeavor was abortive for the reason that a number of liberals were apprehensive of the radical ideologies of the social democrats (Baehr, 2002). Plagued by pneumonia in Munich, Maximilian Weber departed this life on the twentieth of June in 1920 (Turner, 1993). Indeed, no sociologist other than his contemporaries, like Karl Marx, has had a greater impact on sociology than the German sociologist Max Weber (Novak, 2005). Significantly a good deal of Weber’s work represented a debate with the ghost of Marx. Although finding much of value in Marx’s writings, Weber disagreed with Marx on a number of important matters. Over the course of his career, Weber left a legacy of rich insights for a variety of disciplines including economics, political science and history. Among sociologists, he is known not only for his theoretical contributions but for a number of specific ideas that in their own right have generated considerable interest and research. His sociological work covered a wide range of topics, including politics, bureaucracies, social stratification, law, religion, capitalism, music, the city, and cross-cultural comparison (Ringer, 1997). Weber believed that sociologists can derive an understanding of their subject matter in a manner that is unavailable to chemists and physicists. In investigating human behavior, sociologists are not limited to such objective criteria as weight and temperature; they can examine the meanings individuals bring to their interactions with one another. Consequently, Weber contended that a critical aspect of the sociological enterprise is the study of the intentions, beliefs, values, and attitudes that underlie people’s behavior (Ringer, 1997). Weber employed the German word Verstehen, meaning understanding or insight, in describing this approach for learning about subjective meanings people attach to their actions. In using this method, Weber mentally attempts to place themselves in the shoes of other people and identify what they think and how they feel. Whereas Durkheim argued that sociologists should direct their investigations primarily to social facts that lie beyond the individual, Weber thought it also essential that sociologists examine the definitions people use in shaping their behavior (Ringer, 1997). Another notable contribution made by Weber is his concept of the ideal type. An ideal type is a concept constructed by a sociologist to portray the principal characteristics of a phenomenon. The term has nothing to do with evaluations of any sort. Rather, it is a tool that allows sociologists to generalize and simplify data by ignoring minor differences in order to accentuate major similarities. Weber contended that if sociologists are to establish cause-and-effect relationships, they must have concepts that are defined in a precise and unambiguous manner. The ideal type affords such a standard, especially in the study of concrete historical events and situations. It serves as a measuring rod against which sociologists can evaluate actual cases (Ringer, 1997). In his writings, Weber stressed the importance of a value-free sociology. He insisted sociologists must not only allow their personal biases to affect the conduct of their scientific research. Weber recognized that sociologists like everyone else, have individual biases and moral convictions regarding behavior. But he insisted that sociologists must cultivate a disciplined approach to the phenomena they study so that they may see facts as they are, and not as they might wish them to be. By the same token, as discussed in his work Objectivity In Social Science, Weber recognized that objectivity is not neutrality (Ringer, 1997). Neutrality implies that a person does not take sides on an issue; objectivity has to do with the pursuit of scientifically verifiable knowledge. Weber saw a role for values in certain specific aspects of the research process, namely, in selecting a topic for study and in determining the uses to which the knowledge is put. Clearly, data do not speak for themselves; they must be interpreted by scientists (Ringer, 1997). For his part, Weber was led to study bureaucracy because it was an important part of the Germany in which he lived. Moreover, was not afraid to express a value judgment or to tackle important issues of the day (Baehr, 2002). Weber was particularly impressed by the ability of bureaucracies to rationalize and control the process by which people collectively pursue their goals (Baehr, 2002). Although he was concerned about some of the negative consequences of bureaucracy, Weber contended that the needs of mass administration made bureaucracy an essential feature or modern organizational life. In his work The Theory of Social and Economic Cooperation, Weber argued that bureaucracy is an inherent feature of modern capitalism (Ringer, 1997). Yet he was equally insistent that a socialist society could not dispense with the arrangement. Indeed, Weber thought that socialism would see an increase, not a decrease, in bureaucratic structures. While recognizing the limitations of capitalism, he nonetheless felt it presented the best chances for the preservation of individual freedom and creative leadership in a world dominated by formal organizations as in his time (Ringer, 1997). In The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Weber turned his sociological eye to one historic breakthrough, the development of capitalism. He sought a link between the rise of the Protestant view of life and the emergence of capitalist social arrangements in Western society. He maintained that the development of capitalism depended upon the creation of a pool of individuals who had the attitudes and values necessary to function as entrepreneurs. The critical problem, Weber said, is to uncover the origin of the motivating spirit of capitalism in precapitalist society. He believed that Protestantism, particularly Calvinism, was crucial to, but not the only factor in, the rise of this spirit (Novak, 2005). As the milieu influenced Weber, Calvinism is actually based on the teachings of the French theologian and reformer John Calvin, and found expression in a variety of religious movements, including Puritanism, Pietism, and Anabaptism. Weber noted that Protestantism and modern capitalism appeared on the historical scene at roughly the same time. There were other links as well. First, capitalism initially attained its highest development in Protestant countries, particularly the United States and England whereas Catholic nations like Spain and Italy lagged behind. Second, in nations with both Protestant and Catholic regions? such as Germany in his time, it seemed to be the Protestant regions that pioneered in capitalist development. And third, Weber marshaled evidence that suggested it was by and large the Protestants, not the Catholics, who became the early capitalist entrepreneurs (Novak, 2005). It is worth noting that The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism was one of Weber’s earlier works. In lectures given shortly before his death, Weber incorporated many new elements in his analysis of the origins of large-scale capitalism (Ringer, 1997). Even so, his early work, although not necessarily accurate in all its particulars, remains a sociological landmark. It demonstrates the impact religion can have on human affairs in producing outcomes that are not necessarily intended or foreseen by its adherents. References Baehr, Peter. (2002). â€Å"In the Grip of Freedom: Law and Modernity in Max Weber. † Canadian Journal of Sociology. Novak, Michael. (2005). â€Å"Max Weber Goes Global. † First Things: A Monthly Journal of Religion and Public Life. Ringer, Fritz. (1997). Max Weber’s Methodology: The Unification of the Cultural and Social Sciences. Harvard University Press. Turner, Bryan S. (1993). Max Weber: From History to Modernity. Routledge.

Sexuality in Aubrey Beardsleys Story of Venus and Tannhäuser Essay

Sexuality in Aubrey Beardsley's Story of Venus and Tannhà ¤user Aubrey Beardsley wrote The Story of Venus and Tannhà ¤user during the fin de sià ¨cle, the end of the Victorian Era. This decadent work, following Baudelaire's credo "art for art's sake first of all," portrays sex and sexualities in a playful manner. In addition to mocking conventional Victorian moral codes, and parodying pornographic conventions, The Story of Venus and Tannhà ¤user also supports Foucault's idea that the Victorian Era witnessed a diffusion of sexualities. The Story of Venus and Tannhà ¤user was originally toned down and modified for publication in 1897 in The Savoy, a magazine that Beardsley served as art editor, under the title of Under The Hill. According to Stanley Weintraub, Venus and Tannhà ¤user was "the literally undisciplined and Rabelaisian original. But the longer manuscript's [Venus'] first eight chapters had sufficed for only four refashioned chapters of the purified and playfully footnoted Savoy text [Under the Hill]" (168). Venus and Tannhà ¤user is a decadent work, though the term "decadent" is difficult to define. As Elaine Showalter notes, the term had antithetical connotations at the end of the century. On the one hand, it was "the pejorative label applied by the bourgeoisie to everything that seemed unnatural" (169). But artists who embraced decadence as an aesthetic credo " . . .rejected all that was natural and biological in favor of the inner life of art, artifice, sensation and imagination" (170). Heather Henderson and William Sharpe note that these opposing connotations are typically combined in standard definitions of the term, since "In most cases the word [decadent] suggested an ultra-refined sophistication of taste allied wit... ...ory of Venus and Tannhà ¤user." Aesthetes and Decadents of the 1890's: An Anthology of British Poetry and Prose. Ed. Karl Beckson. Chicago: Academy, 1981. 9-46. Foucault, Michel. The History of Sexuality: An Introduction. Vol 1. New York: Vintage, 1978. Gillette, Paul J. Introduction. The Story of Venus and Tannhà ¤user. By Aubrey Beardsley. New York: Award, 1967. 21-67. Henderson, Heather, and William Sharpe. "Aestheticism, Decadence, and the Fin de Sià ¨cle." The Longman Anthology of British Literature: The Victorian Age. Ed. Heather Henderson and William Sharpe. New York: Longman, 1999. 1936-1938. Showalter, Elaine. Sexual Anarchy: Gender and Culture at the Fin de Sià ¨cle. New York: Penguin, 1990. Weintraub, Stanley. Beardsley: A Biography. New York: Braziller, 1967. Zatlin, Linda G. "Beardsley Redresses Venus." Victorian Poetry 28.3-4 (1990): 111-124. Sexuality in Aubrey Beardsley's Story of Venus and Tannhà ¤user Essay Sexuality in Aubrey Beardsley's Story of Venus and Tannhà ¤user Aubrey Beardsley wrote The Story of Venus and Tannhà ¤user during the fin de sià ¨cle, the end of the Victorian Era. This decadent work, following Baudelaire's credo "art for art's sake first of all," portrays sex and sexualities in a playful manner. In addition to mocking conventional Victorian moral codes, and parodying pornographic conventions, The Story of Venus and Tannhà ¤user also supports Foucault's idea that the Victorian Era witnessed a diffusion of sexualities. The Story of Venus and Tannhà ¤user was originally toned down and modified for publication in 1897 in The Savoy, a magazine that Beardsley served as art editor, under the title of Under The Hill. According to Stanley Weintraub, Venus and Tannhà ¤user was "the literally undisciplined and Rabelaisian original. But the longer manuscript's [Venus'] first eight chapters had sufficed for only four refashioned chapters of the purified and playfully footnoted Savoy text [Under the Hill]" (168). Venus and Tannhà ¤user is a decadent work, though the term "decadent" is difficult to define. As Elaine Showalter notes, the term had antithetical connotations at the end of the century. On the one hand, it was "the pejorative label applied by the bourgeoisie to everything that seemed unnatural" (169). But artists who embraced decadence as an aesthetic credo " . . .rejected all that was natural and biological in favor of the inner life of art, artifice, sensation and imagination" (170). Heather Henderson and William Sharpe note that these opposing connotations are typically combined in standard definitions of the term, since "In most cases the word [decadent] suggested an ultra-refined sophistication of taste allied wit... ...ory of Venus and Tannhà ¤user." Aesthetes and Decadents of the 1890's: An Anthology of British Poetry and Prose. Ed. Karl Beckson. Chicago: Academy, 1981. 9-46. Foucault, Michel. The History of Sexuality: An Introduction. Vol 1. New York: Vintage, 1978. Gillette, Paul J. Introduction. The Story of Venus and Tannhà ¤user. By Aubrey Beardsley. New York: Award, 1967. 21-67. Henderson, Heather, and William Sharpe. "Aestheticism, Decadence, and the Fin de Sià ¨cle." The Longman Anthology of British Literature: The Victorian Age. Ed. Heather Henderson and William Sharpe. New York: Longman, 1999. 1936-1938. Showalter, Elaine. Sexual Anarchy: Gender and Culture at the Fin de Sià ¨cle. New York: Penguin, 1990. Weintraub, Stanley. Beardsley: A Biography. New York: Braziller, 1967. Zatlin, Linda G. "Beardsley Redresses Venus." Victorian Poetry 28.3-4 (1990): 111-124.

Literary Analysis of Araby Essay

The setting of Araby is described within the first three small paragraphs; it conveys very vivid imagery as you would see it in the eyes of a young boy, noticing details of colors and textures of his surroundings. You soon get a sense of the narrator’s simple minded thinking as he is only a young boy. Going into the adolescent years, the narrator experiences new emotions and finds himself an immense love interest in his friend’s sister who lives down the street. As he spends much of his time admiring him from a far, he finally speaks with her. After speaking with her he is filled with so much excitement that he finds the things had once found exciting are now boring and unsatisfying, the narrator tells us, â€Å"I watched my master’s face pass from amiability to sternness; he hoped I was not beginning to idle. I could not call my wandering thoughts together. I had hardly any patience with the serious work of life which, now that it stood between me and my desire , seemed to me child’s play, ugly monotonous child’s play.†(42). This portrays the future struggles he will encounter as he starts to lose his innocence through experience. In the third paragraph is quite noticeable of how innocent the narrator actually is. As he develops a crush on his friend’s sister, even though he has never spoken a word to her, but admires her from afar, â€Å"we watched her from our shadow peer up and down the street.†(40). The only contact he had with her is when his group of friends would go up to her doorstep as she was waiting for her younger brother, â€Å"We waited to see whether she would remain or go in and, if she remained, we left our shadow and walked up to Mangan’s steps resignedly. She was waiting for us, her figure defined by the light from the half-opened door. Her brother always teased her before he obeyed, and I stood by the railings looking at her.†(40). But he was completely infatuated with her as he cannot help but describe the way she looked, â€Å"Her dress swung as she moved her body, and the soft rope of her hair tossed from side to side.†(40). Every morning he would watch out of his front window waiting for her to leave for school. The moment she walked out her door, he was filled with joy and quickly gathered his things. He would follow her on his way to school like a lost, innocent, little puppy not letting her out of his site. He would do this every day, still not saying a word to her but maybe a couple simple mumblings, and yet he was madly in love with her.(40) He could not shake her from his head, in the oddest of places he would be picturing her in his head. He even says, â€Å"Her name sprang to my lips at moments in strange prayers and praises which I myself did not understand.†(41). And that, â€Å"My eyes were often full of tears (I could not tell why) and at times a flood from my heart seemed to pour itself out into my bosom.†(41) In this line it is portrayed that he does not realize or understand the enormity of these new feelings he was having for this girl. His innocence is prevents him from kn owing what this attraction for this girl means. At last this girl of his dreams finally starts a conversation with him. She asks him if he would be going to the Araby, which is grand bazaar, and explains how she wants to go so badly, but she cannot due to prior obligations. Flabbergasted that she was talking to him, he did not know what to say. As she explained that she could not go, he quickly says, â€Å"’If I go,’ I said, ‘I will bring you something.’†(42). He says this in hopes that buying her a gift from the bazaar will make her interested in him. After talking to her he was filled to the brim with excitement, he has trouble sleeping because he cannot clear his mind of her and could not think of anything else but her. He tries to pass the following days quickly, despised doing school work, he even says, â€Å". . . her image came between me and the page I strove to read.†(42). As the day grew closer his excitement grew as well, for things now seemed dull, the author says, â€Å"I answered few questions in class. I watched my master’s face pass from amiability to sternness; he hoped I was not beginning to idle. I could not call my wandering thoughts together. I had hardly any patience with the serious work of life which, now that it stood between me and my desire, seemed to me child’s play, ugly monotonous child’s play.†(42). The excitement in him is so extreme that he finds that he is completely aloof and jaded of the classroom. The only thing he thinks about is this girl and going to the bazaar. His thoughts make him blind to anything that is in front of him. Again his naà ¯ve innocence keeps him from seeing beyond his narrow minded path and looking outward beyond his own thoughts and doings. Not thinking ahead, when he said, â€Å"’If I go,’ I said, ‘I will bring you something.’†(42), he did not realize that he had no money and had to ask permission if he may go to the bazaar. When he returned home that same night he asked his aunt for permission to go, she was shocked that he had asked, but agreed to it. The morning of his planned trip to the bazaar, he reminds his uncle that he is going to the bazaar and he needed money for the gift and the train fair. His uncle replied in a muttered and snappy tone, â€Å"’Yes, boy, I know.’†(42). As the narrator returned home from school for supper, his uncle had not yet arrived. The narrator waited and waited trying to pass the time until his uncle returned until his aunt said, â€Å"’I’m afraid you may put off your bazaar for this night of Our Lord.’†(43), but then, â€Å"At nine o’clock I heard my uncle’s latchkey in the hall door. I heard him talking to himself and heard the hallstand rocking when it had received the weight of his overcoat. I could interpret these signs. When he was midway through his dinner I asked him to give me the money to go to the bazaar. He had forgotten.†(43-44). After some pestering at his uncle from his aunt, the narrator was given the money. When he had finally arrived at the bazaar it was mostly closed for the train had taken up quite some time. The only stall that he sees open has â€Å"porcelain vases and flowered tea-sets†(45), which has nothing of interest to him, the vendor sees him and crudely asks him if he needed anything, he kindly denies. As he looked upon the many items and as the lights are being shut off above him, he turns and walks away. As he is now standing in complete darkness for the last light had now been shut off, standing in the complete darkness he has an epiphany. He realizes that he has been thoughtless to believe that the girl would be attracted to him. He will always be thwarted in his path in life. He sees the Araby as what it really is, just a gaudy place to sell things. There is nothing glamorous or even appealing about it. He realizes that he had set himself up for disappointment. As the narrator is pained and frustrated as stated in the last line of the story, â€Å"Gazing up into the darkness I saw myself as a creature driven and derided by vanity; and my eyes burned with anguish and anger.†(46). We feel the narrator’s frustration begin to build as he has to wait for his uncle, and then the tardiness arriving at the bazaar which in turn leads to not buy anything for nothing of interest is open anymore, his dream is broken. With all of this falling apart so quickly, he soon realizes that he had been blinded and fooled himself into this idea that this elaborate scheme of buying a gift for this girl will make her like him. He is blinded by his innocence and unfortunately losses his innocence through experiencing all of these struggles to try and satisfy these new feelings of his only to realize his struggles were worthless. Also because we do not find out the name of the friend’s sister, this makes the idea of her so much more distant and unreachable. We view her much like the narrator does, as a far and mysterious person who we don’t know much about. When the narrator’s dreams of pleasing her were crushed, the whole situation made sense in the end; he, after all, did not know much about her.

Ilm M3.01 Solving Problems and Making Decisions

ILM management Course Shaun Barratt Work based assignment:M3. 01 Problem Solving The Joint Service for Disabled Children is a partnership developed by Enfield’s Children’s trust. It comprises specialist, inclusive, voluntary, health and education services to support and promote opportunities for all disabled children and their families in Enfield. The service is open to any disabled children and young people who have significant global delay, autism or life threatening conditions under the age of 18. In my role as inclusion development manager I am responsible for enabling disabled children and young people to access mainstream activities of their choice within the borough. I provide the resources, staff and training for any universal activity to support identified disabled children. This ensures that all disabled children and their families are supported to take part in and enjoy local community life, whenever possible using local childcare facilities, leisure and recreational activities. I am also part of the management team tasked with generating new ideas to improve the lives of disabled children and their families. It is this role that we were presented with the following problem – Significant numbers of parents have presented to the service requesting over night respite (essentially a night away for their child at a recognised respite provider). The cost of over night short breaks (respite) is highly significant in the services overall budget, far in excess of any other service we provide, and even a small increase would put a huge strain on resources. Far more cost effective is to build support mechanisms around the child and family in their own homes. This is done by building packages of support which provide short breaks but without the huge cost of outside provider overnights. So in order to understand this issue more we firstly needed to ascertain what it was about the overnight breaks which were so appealing and see if we could find another possible solution. We decided to utilise our parent’s forum to generate ideas. Understandably this generated a wide array of reasons for why parents valued over nights so highly, however there were significant threads and themes which consistently appeared and by far the most significant was that a high proportion of parents identified the need for a full night sleep, something they are unable to achieve due to being disturbed by their disabled child. In addition when asked about factors which significantly affect their quality of life sleep deprivation was one of the most significant factors right across the spectrum of need and demographic. There is a wealth of evidence to support the notion that sleep problems are far higher in the disabled population than in mainstream families (Pahl and Quine 2004) The service holds an away day twice a year and part of the session was given to a brain storming session around the issue of sleep problems and what we as a service should do to address them. By involving the team in this process this will ensure that any ideas generated will have team ownership. A number of ideas were put forward, but by consensus there were four areas which were felt were appropriate responses to the issue of demand for increase in over night provision. [pic] The first option was for the team to think more laterally in terms of what we offer to parents. This could be done by identifying key areas in the day that parents were struggling with and identify additional support during these times. This could be around bed times and waking times etc. nd in turn offering parents more support to recharge batteries through offering additional short breaks (a short break is an activity such as playschemes or after school groups etc). Another solution would be to analyse what the service is spending in other areas and cut other budgets significantly to fund additional overnights and in a similar vein to task the team with finding more cost effective over night breaks by opening up to tender to find possible other cheaper providers. The final and most popular idea was to offer some form of sleep counselling to enable parents to gain back control of this part of their lives through behaviour management and support to change their child’s sleep habits. A simple decision making grids illustrates how this might meet the main areas of need as identified by the parents. Decision making model Criteria |Offer more diverse |Sleep intervention |Offer increased over |Find cheaper over night | | |respite |program |night respite |options | |Cost |( |( | |( | |effective | | | | | |Parental approval |( |( |( | | |Long term sustainability| |( | | | |Improved sleep | |( |( |( | |opportunities in short | | | | | |term | | | | | |Improved sleep in the | |( | | | |long term | | | | | Intuitively the sleep intervention program is an appropriate response as it directly responds to the parents need for their sleep deprivation to be addressed. It’s more sustainable than the others and it’s focussed on the area identified and not just fire fighting and therefore a potentially proactive way of working which is easier for staff to identify with. It’s cost effective with just the initial outlay and staff counselling time. Its solution focussed with clear parameters on intervention times. Parents will hopefully support something which gives them a long term solution to their problem and not just a short term solution which is offered by overnights. A potential sleep programme training course was identified which would involve five members of staff being identified to be trained to become sleep counsellors. They would work directly with the parents and enable the arents to change bedtime routines and behaviours in order to improve sleep patterns in the child. Before presenting to the joint service steering group we carried out an SWOT analysis to anticipate issues which may be raised in the presentation. SWO T analysis of sleep program Please see appendix (1) The use of a SWOT analysis provides a methodical and honest assessment of our services strengths and weaknesses for carrying out a defined sleep program. It will also expose threats which may pose a threat to its sustainability and opportunities afforded by the process. The objective of the analysis is to ascertain whether the sleep program is a viable affordable, sustainable response to the need for a sleep intervention process. Strengths in more detail The major strength of the programme when functioning to its potential is its affordability and sustainability. Even a minor reduction in over night’s expenditure will see the program more than pay for itself. The initial outlay of training could be offset against respite savings. The difficulty is that preventative work is difficult to quantify and illustrate as it hasn’t happened, but a reduction in the number of looked after children may be used as a key indicator. The program clearly tackles the root cause of the presenting problem; whereas overnights give short term relief to parents the sleep problem itself is still there in the future. There is plenty of evidence to suggest that improved sleep is positively correlated with improved cognitive performance (The national Sleep Foundation 2004) This would also have significant impact on incidences of challenging behaviours, reducing it dramatically (Green et al 2010) and better quality of life indexes for parents of disabled children (Prosper, Mard and Beecham 2011), both of which could act as markers for the success of the program. The practical applications of a sleep program can be applied to other complimentary areas of work (Sleep Scotland 2001) such as home care and other counselling conditions. Weaknesses in more detail Identification of our weaknesses needed to be done as constructively as possible with no blame or finger pointing, however several key points emerged The first is can the staff hours be found to sustain a sleep program? How can we illustrate that time spent in the program will in the long term reduce hours in other areas. Have the current staff gr oup the necessary communication skills to make effective counsellors? As the sleep service grows there will become a need for additional staff time, resources as well as someone to coordinate the service administer the service and manage the new counsellors. A fundamental question is it possible for the recruitment process to reflect the need for new workers to potentially add to the service. Marketing and branding are also time consuming as the service grows. All these growth factors had to be factored in to produce a long term picture Opportunities in more depth There are opportunities to offer the counselling service to outside agencies with a cost attached. There is no other comparable service within the borough so this is a viable option. This could help in sustaining the service or even to expand it. The publicity afforded of a proactive response to significant and widespread sleep problems, identified by the parents of Enfield themselves, will help put the service in a positive light. This in turn will help our cause when decisions on future cuts are made. This is in turn compliments the move politically for parents to have more control over their lives. Pro active approaches are also always easier to â€Å"sell† to staff by addressing the cause rather than fire fighting the effects. In its favour additional funding streams are available to those ideas generated and supported by parents and children. More effective use of money and resources will also appeal to stakeholders. The positive outcomes of a sleep program such as improved concentration of children resulting in a reduction of incidences of challenging behaviour, and increased educational achievement is going to appeal to a number of partners, which may influence them to invest. Finally and most importantly, an effective service will put less pressure on other related services resulting in economies for the stakeholders Threats in more depth The current economic climate is going to have a huge bearing on the success or otherwise of the project. Given this there is a danger that parents may interpret this as a cost cutting measure around over nights. Parents may still need overnights despite intervention making it a costly additional service. Research needs to be carried to ensure their isn’t a larger service such as MENCAP that can deliver the sleep service more economically. Does the political economic downturn means that projects which offer projected savings are less attractive than short term cuts to services? In order for the service to grow future training opportunities are essential, is this going to be viable when it’s acknowledged that the first budgets to be reduced are training budgets. Are the funding streams used currently likely to remain as further cuts are deemed necessary? Will the outlay of intense training be viable if staff retention is problematic? Could collaborative efforts for example coordinating approaches with medical interventions i. e. use of melatonin in conjunction with psychological interventions be more cost effective? Inter agency working is essential for the sleep program to succeed, is the communication system robust enough for multi agency support? Will cuts mean only front line services that are statutory in nature be preferred over seemingly peripheral services such as a sleep counselling service? Will elements of the service be put out to tender and is this likely to be picked up in this? Given the threats outlined by the swot analysis it is clear that in order to present a convincing case to our steering group it is necessary to present an outline and costing for how the service might develop. The main objective would be could we illustrate the effectiveness of the sleep program as an intervention? Could we illustrate parental satisfactions as a response to sleep issues? Therefore we identified a diverse number of partners to carry out a pilot project. With it being multi agency the strain on any one service could be portrayed as manageable. The SWOT analysis illustrated that there are major potential benefits to partner agencies so there involvement and investment was essential. We would carry out analysis of the success or otherwise of a sleep clinic with a small number of parents from diverse backgrounds. They would be asked to fill in a number of satisfaction questionnaires prior to and after the intervention. Feedback on behavioural changes from a previously obtained baseline would be obtained from partner agencies involved ie schools. We would need to highlight circumstances when the intervention could have most benefit i. e. care plans in child protection cases, complex issue children or families in other types of crisis. All of these will have great appeal to senior management teams. After the pilot parents and senior management would be invited to a presentation of the results. An exercise would be given to the parents whereby they become budget holders. They would be â€Å"given† the money that they are entitled to for their children. They would then be given the costs of all services available to them. By this means parents will be able to see for themselves the cost effectiveness of the intervention and the huge costs of over night respite. They would be empowered to know how they could have a substantial package of support around them for the cost of very few overnights. The issue of sleep programs would be shown to be a very cost effective tool in obtain a good nights sleep. Finally the sleep clinic team would present to all partner agency staff. Cascading of skills would be essential and appeals for constructive critisism of the scheme could be made. Essentially there has to be a selling process and ownership of the service throughout the joint service. If it is then a viable option we would meet with managers to move the project forward!!! Appendix 1 |Strengths |weaknesses | |(i) Affordability and sustainability |(i) Is there sufficient availability of staff to undertake the | |(ii) Tackles root cause of presenting problem |training | |(iii) Cognitive improvements as a result of better quality |(ii) Staff skilled enough to communicate at the highest level |sleep |in order to make venture successful | |(iv) Improved Staff skills set |(iii) Who has time to coordinate project? | |(v) cascading of skills will appeal to budget holders |(iv) Therapeutic change can be time consuming | |(vi) reduction in aggressive incidences which are as a direct |(v) Does recruitment reflect the need for these particular | |result of sleep deprivation |skills? | |(vii) additional resource to offer families in crisis child |(vi) Who is going to marke t and brand the service? |protection etc |(vii) Need for administrator and stats holder | |(viii) a new approach to empowering parents to enable them to | | |take control of their own lives | | |opportunities |Threats | |(i) Outsourcing counselling service to other agencies if proved|(i) Parents may interpret this as a cost cutting measure around| |successful |over nights | |(ii) Response to significant and widespread sleep problems |(ii) Parents may still need overnights despite intervention | |identified by the parents of Enfield themselves |making it costly additional service | |(iii) Above (ii) compliments the move politically for parents |(iii) Could a larger organisation undercut the sleep service? |to have more control over their lives |(iv) political economic downturn means | |(iv) addressing the cause rather than fire fighting the effects|(1) long term savings options less attractive than short term | |(v) Additional funding streams are available to those ideas |cuts | |generated and supported by parents and children |(2) Training budgets are the first to be cut when money is | |(vi) More effective of money and resources will appeal to |tight – threat to future growth | |stakeholders |(3) Service once offered will need to grow to meet need is this| |Improved concentration of children and young people resulting |viable? |in a reduction of incidences of challenging behaviour, and |(4) Are there more cost effective services already in existence| |increased educational achievement |that that Enfield could tap into instead | |An effective service will put less pressure on other related | | |services | | ———————– Need for more overnights and better quality of sleep Increase in overnights by moving other budgets Offer diverse options to support parents in coping Support parents in managing their sleep Seek out cheaper respite units

immagration essays

immagration essays I am from an ethnicity and culture that is in the forefront of many political topics in this region today. I am Mexican. When this word comes up most people seem to think of illegal immigrants crossing the border. This thought can bring up much resentment and contempt from certain groups, and along with this comes prejudice and discrimination. However, before I jump ahead of myself I would like to discuss the physical and cultural differences between my people- Mexicans and the U.S. majority- Whites. Physical differences may seem obvious if you think in a stereotypical manner. But there is a great deal of physical diversity within the Mexican culture. The range can be anywhere from the "common" image of a short brown eyed, brown haired, brown skinned individual to the tall light eyed, light haired, light skinned person. In between is a mixture and combination of any of the mentioned characteristics (much of the variety comes from the blood of the Spaniards who invaded Mexico). In fact 60% of Mexico Is made up of "mestizo", mixed European and Indian decent and 30% "indigena", Native Americans of Indians (azteca.net). Those who have darker skin are, of course, more easily pointed out as Mexicans and usually experience more prejudice and racism than those who have characteristics similar to the majority. However, prejudice within our own race sometimes makes up for the lack of prejudice from Whites, but I digress. Moving on, there are many cultural differences. Language for one, which is Spanish (though there are over 50 indigenous languages (azteca.com)). Clothing is different. Not so much as it used to be however. Not everyone is wearing a poncho and sombrero. Of course food is different and is quite enjoyed by many Americans. However, Mexican-American food is somewhat different than Mexican food from Mexico. And I am not quite sure what Taco Bell food is. Maybe that can be called American-Mexican food? ...

Sunita Williams Essays

Sunita Williams Essays Sunita Williams Essay Sunita Williams Essay sSunita Williams (born September 19, 1965) is a United States Naval officer and a NASA astronaut. [1] She was assigned to the International Space Station as a member of Expedition 14 and then joined Expedition 15. She holds the record of the longest spaceflight (195 days) for female space travelers. She was born in Euclid, Ohio to Dr. Deepak Pandya and Bonnie Pandya. Her parents now reside in Falmouth, Massachusetts. Deepak Pandya is a famous neuroanatomist. Williams roots on her fathers side go back to Gujarat in India and she has been to India to visit her fathers family. She is also of Slovene descent from her mothers side. [3] Williams is married to Michael Williams. The two have been married for more than 20 years, and both flew helicopters in the early days of their careers. Her recreational interests include running, swimming, biking, triathlons, windsurfing, snowboarding and bow hunting. She is an avid Boston Red Sox fan. She has a pet Jack Russell Terrier named Gorby which was featured with her on the Dog Whisperer television show on the National Geographic Channel on November 12, 2010. Williams attended Needham High School in Needham, Massachusetts, graduating in 1983. She went on to receive a Bachelor of Science degree in Physical science from the U. S. Naval Academy in 1987, and a Master of Science degree in Engineering Management from Florida Institute of Technology in 1995 STS-116 Williams was launched to the International Space Station with STS-116, aboard the shuttle Discovery, on December 9, 2006 to join the Expedition 14 crew. In April 2007, the Russian members of the crew rotated, changing to Expedition 15. Among the personal items Williams took with her to the International Space Station (ISS) were a copy of the Bhagavad Gita, a small figurine of Ganesha and some samosas. [9] [edit] Expeditions 14 and 15 After launching aboard Discovery, Williams arranged to donate her pony tail to Locks of Love. The haircut by fellow astronaut Joan Higginbotham occurred aboard the International Space Station and the ponytail was brought back to earth with the STS-116 crew. [10] Williams performed her first extra-vehicular activity on the eighth day of the STS-116 mission. On January 31, February 4, and February 9, 2007, she completed three spacewalks from the ISS with Michael Lopez-Alegria. During one of these walks a camera became untethered, probably due to failure of the attaching device, and floated off to space, before Williams could react. [11] On the third spacewalk, Williams was outside the station for 6 hours 40 minutes to complete three space walks in nine days. She has logged 29 hours and 17 minutes in four space walks, eclipsing the record held by Kathryn C. Thornton for most spacewalk time by a woman. 1][2] On December 18, 2007, during the fourth spacewalk of Expedition 16, Peggy Whitson surpassed Williams, with a cumulative EVA time of 32 hours, 36 minutes. [12][13] In early March 2007 she received a tube of wasabi in a Progress spacecraft resupply mission in response to her request for more spicy food. Opening the tube, which was packaged at one atmospheric pressure, the gel-like paste was forced out in the lower-pressure of the ISS. In the free-fall environment, the spicy geyser was difficult to contain. [14] On April 16, 2007, she ran the first marathon by an astronaut in orbit. 15] Williams finished the 2007 Boston Marathon in four hours and 24 minutes . [16][17][18] The other crew members reportedly cheered her on and gave her oranges during the race. Williams sister, Dina Pandya, and fellow astronaut Karen L. Nyberg ran the marathon on Earth, and Williams received updates on their progress from Mission Control. In 2008, Williams participated in the Boston Marathon again, this time on Earth. That same year, on the game show Duel, a question was made from that event. The answers were: London, New York, International Space Station, Paris. The most correct was the ISS. Following the decision on April 26, 2007 to bring Williams back to earth on the STS-117 mission aboard Atlantis, she did not break the U. S. single spaceflight record that was recently broken by former crewmember Commander Michael Lopez-Alegria. However she did break the record for longest single spaceflight by a woman. [1][19][20] STS-117 Williams served as a mission specialist with STS-117, and returned to Earth on June 22, 2007 at the end of the STS-117 mission. Space shuttle Atlantis touched down at the Edwards Air Force Base in California at 3:49 p. m. EDT, returning Williams home after a record 195-day stay in space. Mission managers had to divert Atlantis to Edwards in the Mojave Desert as poor weather at the Kennedy Space Centre in Cape Canaveral forced mission managers to skip three landing attempts there over the last 24 hours. â€Å"Welcome back, congratulations on a great mission,† NASA mission control told Williams and the six other members of the crew soon after the shuttle landed. [21] After the landing, 41-year-old Sunita was chosen as Person of the Week by the ABC Television Network. In December, the network noted, she had her long hair cut so she could donate her locks to help those who lost their hair while fighting an illness. edit] 2007 visit to India In September 2007, Sunita Williams visited India. She went to the Sabarmati Ashram, the ashram set up by Mahatma Gandhi in 1915, and her ancestral village Jhulasan in Gujarat. She was awarded the Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Vishwa Pratibha Award by the World Gujarati Society, the first person of Indian origin who is not an Indian citizen to be presented the award. She also visited her cousins home on her nephews birthday. On October 4, 2007, Williams spoke at the American Embassy School, and then met Indian President Pratibha Patil at Rashtrapati Bhavan. [22]

Using the Spanish Verb Saber

Using the Spanish Verb Saber Saber is a common verb whose basic meaning is to have knowledge or to have knowledge of. Although it is often translated as to know, it should not be confused with conocer, which also is often translated as to know. The basic meaning of saber can be seen most clearly when it is followed by a noun or a phrase functioning as a noun:  ¿Sabe alguien los horarios de los buses desde el aeropuerto? Does anyone know the times of the buses from the airport?Nuestra presidente no sabe inglà ©s. Our president doesnt know English.No se sabe mucho de su muerte. Not much is known about his death.Sà © bien la verdad. I know the truth well.Nunca sabemos el futuro. We never know the future. When followed by an infinitive, saber often means to know how: El que no sabe escuchar no sabe entender. The one who doesnt know how to listen doesnt know how to understand.No saben escribir en cursiva. They dont know how to write in cursive.El problema era que los dos no sabà ­amos nadar. The problem was that the two of us didnt know how to swim. Saber can mean to find out. This is especially true when it is used in the preterite tense: Supe que todos tenemos cosas en comà ºn. I found out that all of us have things in common.Nunca supieron que estaban equivocados. They never found out that they were mistaken. In context, saber can be used to say to have news about someone or something: No sà © nada de mi madre. I dont have any news about my mother. The phrase saber a can be used to indicate what something tastes like: Yo no he comido iguana, pero se dice que sabe a pollo. I havent eaten iguana, but they say it tastes like chicken. Remember that saber is conjugated irregularly.

Explain the relevance of marketing concept to the 21st century Essay

Explain the relevance of marketing concept to the 21st century business of Virgin Group - Essay Example In the case of Virgin Group, it can be observed that the overall goal of the organization is to partner with different business groups in order to create recognised brands. Therefore, the element of mutual relationship among the stakeholders involved is very important since it helps the partners involved to pull their resources towards the same direction. As such, the marketing concept that is suitable for this noble cause is relationship marketing since it is designed to improve the viability of the organization through unifying all the stakeholders involved in a certain business. This marketing concept is effective since it is oriented towards fulfilling the needs and wants of all the stakeholders involved in Virgin Group’s activities. Introduction The success of business in its operations mainly depends on the marketing concept adopted. As such, this paper seeks to evaluate the relevance of relationship marketing (RM) to the operations of Virgin Group which is regarded as t he 21st century business. The paper starts by describing above mentioned marketing concept and this is followed by a brief introduction of the chosen organization, Virgin Group. The main body of the paper will focus on explaining the relevance of the marketing concept to the 21st century business under spotlight. The main points discussed in the paper will be summarised in the conclusion. Description of the marketing concept Relationship marketing is described as the process of establishing, maintaining, enhancing and commercialising customer relationships so that the objectives of the parties involved are met Strydom (2004). Relationship marketing is particularly concerned with satisfying the customer needs and wants. During the contemporary period, it can be noted that markets are characterised by stiff competition such that it becomes imperative for the organisations to retain their customers in order for them to operate viably in the future, (Athanasopoulou N.D). This can be ach ieved through establishing quality relationships around services of the customer, suppliers and other stakeholders as well as their values. These stakeholders in business particularly the customers are the main component in the relationship mix. Concerted efforts ought to be taken in order to satisfy the needs of the customers which can lead to creation of loyalty among them. In case of Virgin Group, this strategy can go a long way in creating competitive advantage for the organization. The concept of relationship marketing often involves high customer involvement and contact whereby mutual understanding can be created among the parties involved. Strydom (2004) posits to the effect that relationship marketing is a continuous process. Essentially, the concept of relationship marketing evolved from transactional marketing in order to serve the interests of the customers profitably. The concept of relationship marketing is also centred on creation of value chain which will help the org anization to gain a competitive advantage if its products and services are regarded as more valuable than the ones offered by the other competitors in the same industry (Wang et al, 2004). Positive consumer perceptions about a product play a pivotal role in creating quality relati

Business Intelligence Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Business Intelligence - Essay Example The systems are diverse and highlight every perspective of the business such as the customer profiling and support, market segmentation and research and statistic evaluations among others. Several companies gather enormous quantities of information from their various business processes. The collection of data of such quantities enables the business to determine the problems facing the organizations in its desire to fulfill the needs of its customers and the understanding the quality of their services. The desires of providing best quality of products and provision of outstanding services to the customers might demand the use of many software programs especially in data mining and data entry. Here, there will be detailed analysis of the business intelligence with respect to human resource functions. Therefore, the piece would provide suitable solutions to problems such as employee absenteeism, delays to the customers and the associated complaints. Generally, there will be the analysis of the application of business intelligence to ensure ideal operations of a business organization. Nonetheless, it is essential to understand that business intelligence depends on data mining to a greater degree. ... Applications of Mashups Mashups are essential in every organization due to their relevance and capacity to execute desirable functions in an organization. There are server based and web based mashups grouped according to the source of data, analysis and reformatting of information. The functionality of the mashups are based on three main components – the presentation, web services and data. Mashups include the applications, which reuse and join information together with services that are present online and they are created in a sudden ad-hoc manners to facilitate automation of procedures together with remixing the data. Mashup creation promotes faster, easy and affordable program creation by reusing resources that have been developed already, evaluated, and catered for by the large quantity of raw material found on the Web. The Use of Mashups in Human Resource In human resource, staffing is the essential element that determines the performance in an organization. Mashups are c apable of upholding all the staffing features due to its ability to fit their functionalities. The components considered in the Mashups creation entail selection, human resource planning, job evaluation and recruitment. Mashups are useful in the evaluation of time and attendance of the employees. Mashups have automation feature that computerizes the activities of the managers. The Masups are capable of determining the time frame within which particular staff reported and or engaged in given activities. This system is capable of collecting information on ideal time and activities-related engagements. The system is also composed of a searching capability, which enables it to find the information of an employee in the profile category and opt for the allocation of work.

Joint ventures within the energy sector Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Joint ventures within the energy sector - Essay Example A combined force of Shell and Aramco strengthens the venture’s competitiveness. For instance, Saudi owns oil reserves, but lacks the ability to exploit them (Johnson, 2011). Therefore, this influences the government of Saudi to strike a deal with Shell. The state of Saudi has efficiently exploited the oil resource, while the investor gains some profit. The energy sector takes different forms, this report will primarily focus on oil and gas as sources of energy. Apart from that, market factors in the petroleum sector contribute significantly to the well-being of an economy. Therefore, key stakeholders in this micro-economy continue to effect and affect the industry (Johnson, 2011). The primary players include National Oil Companies, International Oil Companies, and petroleum organizations. Therefore, when these parties’ work in harmony, petroleum players realize an increase in the efficiency of oil production. However, economic factors such as demand, supply, and industrial regulations influence the pricing and distribution of petroleum products. Consequently, competition among stakeholders increases since oil is a rare commodity. Motive enterprise is a joint venture between Shell (an IOC) and Saudi Aramco (an NOC). Both of the shareholders own equal shares of the company. The company has its headquarters in Houston Texas. In 2004, the company posted a fiscal net profit of 24 billion dollars. Motiva owns and operates three oil refineries in the United States. Important to say, the expansion of Port Arthur refinery increased its capacity to 600000 meters cubic per day (Stevenson, 2011). Subsequently, Port Arthur refinery became the largest in North America and the fifth largest in the globe. Motiva produces diesel, petrol and petroleum liquid gasses and other crude oil products. United states are the fundamental customers of the company’s products. Joint ventures between national and international firms can be realized through

Evaluation of a Weight-Loss Plan or Program Assignment

Evaluation of a Weight-Loss Plan or Program - Assignment Example SENSA is a product that you sprinkle on your food prior to eating. It works on the concept of smell, triggering the brain that you have had enough and making a person want to eat less. It is advertised as containing no stimulates or diuretics. It is made up of only FDA approved ingredients and is said to keep the food cravings and the feeling of hunger away (http://dm.trysensa.com). One of the concepts is to make bland food taste better making it more appealing for people to eat (www.sciencedaily.com). This is supposed to cause people to eat healthier because SENSA makes the food taste better. The research done on this product, through clinical trials, shows that SENSA users average 30 pounds of weight loss as compared to control groups who only lost two pounds over six months (http://dm.trysensa.com). However, there is some question about the credibility of the study that was conducted. Other researchers question how the participates were selected and the range of weight that was actually lost by the participants (Woolston, 2011). Another concern, stated by Alan Hirsch, MD, the director of the SENSA study, is that the amount of food that the participants ate was not tracked (www.sciencedaiy.com). The program is flexible in that the product can be put on any food that a person wants to eat. It is easily transported, so it can easily fit into the most active person’s lifestyle. It is simple to use in that anyone can sprinkle the product on their food no matter if they are eating at home, at a party, at a business function or at a restaurant. The product itself does not provide variety, but the user can eat any food they want, thus getting all the variety they desire. A downfall to SENSA is that there is not a plan for maintenance after the initial weight los. In fact, no where on the SENSA website promoting their product is maintenance mentioned. Their focus is simply on losing weight, not

Governing the Uk Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Governing the Uk - Essay Example Political power has been devolved to new ranks of government, the judiciary has been mandated to review the government actions with a lot of powers, introduction of new systems of electing representatives have been devised, second chamber membership has been reorganized, authority over monetary control has been delegated to an independent body, access to formal information has been slackened and the way political parties are being funded has been reviewed. There are some consequences that have been observed as a result of these reforms on Britain’s political structure, though they endure silence regarding their impacts. Some are devoted to impacts of reforms, but pay attention to individual bodies or institutions, instead of looking at the impacts of several reforms realized jointly. Even though these tremendous changes have been witnessed, there are several reforms that need to be tackled due to everyday emergence of new political shifts. This stands to be the right time to a sk some questions regarding institutions and policies that need changes to sustain development in the United Kingdom for the next reasonable century. This latter will try to outline some few changes needed in some institutions to foster growth. The United Kingdom has several structural flaws, witnessed in years of insufficient durable skills investment, innovation and infrastructure. Investment failure is firmly grounded as a result of inability to acquire even planning, tactical vision and partisan consensus on the required policy outline to support development and growth. Radical changes are needed especially in the parliamentary sectors. Britain parliament has always been mandated to oversee most of infrastructural developments geared towards Britain realizing its economic development. At the same time, Parliament also steers infrastructural development in Africa especially to African countries who are members of the European Union. According to parliamentary reports, economic in frastructure responsible for water, communications transport and power is the main engine to kick out poverty. It supports economic development and significant economic growth. Accessing necessary infrastructure still remains a challenge with a reasonable number of Africans still in dire need for these infrastructures. United Kingdom government through its parliament spend billions of dollars in funding these developments of which is appropriate since Africa is also a major business partner; the question procedures involved in undertaking these transactions. It is not breaking news to hear of funds embezzlement set for such projects, this triggers a lot of question in a common citizen’s mind on how tax pay is being spent. The parliament has been awarded power to oversee these projects but they still do face a lot of challenges. For parliament to realize effective outcome, one of my major recommendations is the formation of an infrastructure commission and board management. Th is board’s strategy is to give independent skilled intelligence to parliament to aid it in prioritizing infrastructure development. Stronger support can be fostered through the infrastructure management commission whose mandate would be to ensure implementations of these priorities. At the same time the commission should have authority to share these benefits with those who stand a chance of losing from these

Evaluation of a Weight-Loss Plan or Program Assignment

Evaluation of a Weight-Loss Plan or Program - Assignment Example SENSA is a product that you sprinkle on your food prior to eating. It works on the concept of smell, triggering the brain that you have had enough and making a person want to eat less. It is advertised as containing no stimulates or diuretics. It is made up of only FDA approved ingredients and is said to keep the food cravings and the feeling of hunger away (http://dm.trysensa.com). One of the concepts is to make bland food taste better making it more appealing for people to eat (www.sciencedaily.com). This is supposed to cause people to eat healthier because SENSA makes the food taste better. The research done on this product, through clinical trials, shows that SENSA users average 30 pounds of weight loss as compared to control groups who only lost two pounds over six months (http://dm.trysensa.com). However, there is some question about the credibility of the study that was conducted. Other researchers question how the participates were selected and the range of weight that was actually lost by the participants (Woolston, 2011). Another concern, stated by Alan Hirsch, MD, the director of the SENSA study, is that the amount of food that the participants ate was not tracked (www.sciencedaiy.com). The program is flexible in that the product can be put on any food that a person wants to eat. It is easily transported, so it can easily fit into the most active person’s lifestyle. It is simple to use in that anyone can sprinkle the product on their food no matter if they are eating at home, at a party, at a business function or at a restaurant. The product itself does not provide variety, but the user can eat any food they want, thus getting all the variety they desire. A downfall to SENSA is that there is not a plan for maintenance after the initial weight los. In fact, no where on the SENSA website promoting their product is maintenance mentioned. Their focus is simply on losing weight, not

Book Banning Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 1

Book Banning - Essay Example Book banning comes about apparently when there are obscene comments and images embedded within these books. Then there is the important discussion of the books having viewpoints which are usually non-digestible by the public at large. Also this brings to mind the proposition of hate literature which is making the rounds of the global book regimes (Foerstel 2002). It essentially creates a sense of animosity amongst the people and asks of them to think from a much diluted stance. These perspectives are usually not appreciated by the society at large and since there is the quintessential talk of globalization these days, it is only reasonable to ban such books which stir emotions and behaviors of people in a negative way. Another reason for banning books is that they contain incorrect data and information which is unacceptable in a civilized society. Writing books is a much esteemed proposition and usually the writers penning down their memoirs or books are seen with an appreciable eye (Mann 2000). However when these same writers go overboard, then there is a need to address the concerns of the people (the educated lot) by banning such books in the first place. Banning such books is very legitimate because these are spreading falsified data within the people which cannot be allowed under any procedural routine. These books are usually not given credit within the world’s most trusted book publishing companies and agencies, as well as disallowed sale on the book stores all around the world. To ban a book, there is a very important pre-requisite that someone must challenge the book as regards to its content or imagery. This challenge restricts materials which are not appreciated by a certain segment of the society or an individual who is indeed a part of that very society. If the book hurts the feelings of the people, there is a

Pilgrimage Analysis Essay Example for Free

Pilgrimage Analysis Essay Pilgrimage is the name given to a spiritual journey. There is more depth to a physical journey. It is about what it means spiritually to the individual. It is an emotional and spiritual journey. It is a journey from the heart showing love for God. The definition of true is loyal so a true pilgrimage is a journey you take to show loyalty to God. To become a pilgrim, the person must leave their home and undertake a sacred journey, which may confirm and strengthen their personal beliefs in their religion. People can go on this journey alone or in a community. Many places in the world are very exceptional for Christians. Some are places where Jesus lived, such as Nazareth. Other places are special because a holy person is buried there. Many Christians go on their pilgrimages to Lourdes and Rome. People go on journeys to these special, religious places to order their lives in terms of what is good, beautiful and true. Christianity is a journey into Christ a journey that mirrors every Christian mystery through life. As a Christian grows and changes, so he or she tries to move nearer to Christ. A believers ultimate hope is to be completely at one with him in eternity, when on the journey, Christians may use the physical act of pilgrimage to help them to focus on the need for spiritual nourishment. People go to these places of worship as here they believe they can fulfil their beliefs, and show their devotion to their religion. They are making a holy journey. We call those who go on these special journeys pilgrims. They do not have to do this, there is nothing in the Bible which tells Christians that they must make pilgrimages. It is their decision made freely. Many people regard Lourdes, as a place of miracles and of wonderful and unexplainable events. A young girl called Bernadette had a vision of the Virgin Mary countless times and in these visions, Bernadette, was told how to find a natural spring. Many Christians go as they are ill and hope to be cured. But others go for the same reasons that they go to church. Another reason to go on a pilgrimage is to feel some of the holiness of the place and become closer to God. By becoming closer to God, we can feel like better Christians and this should help us to become better Christians and do as God intended us. People also go on pilgrimage to seek Gods forgiveness for the sins that they have committed. Some people go to ask and receive Gods help, like people who have an illness or are disabled in some way, may ask for a cure to heal them. People can also ask to be healed spiritually, as coming to their pilgrimage centre may make them realise that they have not been leading a good Christian life and it may make them change into good Christians. Rome is another main pilgrimage centres for millions of Catholics. In Rome, there are 7 pilgrim churches founded when the Roman Empire became Christian. People have been coming to Rome on a pilgrimage for the past 1600 years. The Church of St. Peter was built on top of the tomb of St. Peter who was the leader of the 12 apostles and the first ever Pope. St Pauls church was built on top of the tomb of St. Paul, the great Christian missionary, who wrote most of the epistles in the New Testament. Rome is the home of the Pope and the Vatican is the headquarters of the Catholic Church. A pilgrimage to Rome is very special as it is the home of the Roman Catholic Church. Lourdes is a Pilgrimage centre which is much more recent, but it still receives over 2 million pilgrims a year. Water is a very special part of Lourdes a here there are the baths where you are fully immersed in Holy Water. You feel as if you are being cleansed of your sins, like a believers baptism as you are fully immersed in water like Jesus was fully immersed in the water of the river in Jordan when he was baptised by John the Baptist. Question 2 Many Christians believe that it is very important to go on a pilgrimage as it helps them develop into better Christians. As they go to the special, religious centres they become closer to God and begin to understand the religion more. By praying to God they become much closer, and their beliefs about the religion are greatly strengthened. The pilgrimage centres really have a great affect on the person spiritually. By getting away from their normal lives Christians who go on pilgrimages to Lourdes or Rome are filled with a special feeling of belonging when they go to a pilgrimage centre. At these special places Christians feel much closer to God as they are at special places where religious events have occurred in the past. Some people go on pilgrimages as groups, where they can help others who are less fortunate than themselves. Certain groups take children who arent so fortunate on pilgrimages to places like Lourdes and let them become closer to God. By doing this they are helping Jesus, as Jesus said anything you do to your neighbour you do unto me. People who may have turned away from the religion could also have their spirits renewed and change as a person to being a good Christian. Some people also feel that they can see their vocation when they come to a pilgrimage centre, which shows the huge affect that pilgrimage centres have on people. When people come on pilgrimages they leave homes behind and decide to forget all comforts and put God first. They are showing by going to these pilgrimage centres, their devotion to God and that their main aim in life is to be a good Christian rather than make money and have fun. They show that their main aim is on God and making God happy. Christians also come to Lourdes and Rome to ask questions, to ask questions about Christianity and how they can become a better Christian and make God happy. Christians also enjoy coming together and going on pilgrimages as then they are surrounded by many people who are like them, all on a journey to strengthen their religious beliefs and become better Christians. Christians also come to pilgrimage centres as they wish to ask God for his forgiveness for all there sins, and by coming on a long journey to a pilgrimage centre they can show to God that they truly are sorry for their sins and that they want to be better Christians. They can also show that God is most important to them as they are coming on a journey to show their devotion to him. The spring St. Bernadette had found was holy and had great healing powers. Now many people visit Lourdes and drink or bathe in the holy water. Many people have miraculously been cured of illness after visiting Lourdes. In Lourdes there have been many specialised things made to accommodate people suffering illness or those who have disability. The people who a go there to pray for themselves and to pray for others. Some pilgrims, who go there, volunteer their time when they are not praying to people who are less able than them. I have been to Lourdes myself and when I was there the feeling of Holiness was unbelievable. Just being there made me feel as If I was cleansed of all my sins, and I truly felt closer to God and being their strengthened my passion towards my religious beliefs. Question 3 After being to Lourdes myself I feel that the pilgrimage centre has become too commercialised. So many people are trying to make money out of the religiously spectacular area it has taken some of the special feeling away from visiting Lourdes. The point of going on a pilgrimage is to get away from our normal lives where all we think about is work and money and spend time concentrating on God and putting our religion first. By setting up shops around the area we are tempted to purchase items, which takes away the precious feelings of visiting Lourdes. The area around Lourdes is meant to be tranquil and peaceful and reflect the image of Christianity, but having loads of shops around the area provokes the town to turn into a busy, messy area where crime can increase and there is a lot of disrespect for the holiness of the pilgrimage centre. However, if a person does visit such a spiritually healing place like Lourdes naturally they would like to be able to take home with them a souvenir to remind them of their time in the area which changed them so much into a better Christian. Many people purchase items which are very special and can be used as aids to prayer, which makes them better Christians as this would bring them closer to God. If these special items do bring them closer to God then they are sacred items and are very precious. When I went to Lourdes I did purchase special items from shops in the area which I have used as aids to prayer and have in my house looking over me, protecting me. But I still feel that the area around Lourdes has become to commercialised as there are so many shops and some of the items sold in the shops are not very sacred and can bring down the preciousness of Mary and Jesus as they are not very respectful.

Bag of Visual Words Model

Bag of Visual Words Model Abstract Automatic interpretation of Remote sensing images is a very important task in several practical fields. There are several approaches to accomplish this task, one of the most powerful and effective approach is the use of local features and machine learning techniques to detect objects and classify it. In such an approach, first, the image is scanned for local features and coded in a mathematically manipulatable form, then these local features are injected to a classifier to get the class of the object which contains these local features. In this thesis, bag of visual words model for detecting and recognizing of objects in high resolution satellite images is constructed and tested using blob local features. Scale Invariant Feature Transform (SIFT) and Speedup Robust Features (SURF) algorithms are used as blob local feature detector and descriptor. The extracted features are coded mathematically with Bag of Visual Words algorithm in order to represent an image by the histograms of visua l words. Dimension reduction technique is used to eliminate non-relevant and non-distinctive data using Principle Component Analysis (PCA). Finally, a single class Support Vector Machine (SVM) classifier is used to classify the object image as a positive or negative match. We extend the typical use of BOVW by using an object proposals technique to extract regions that will be classified by the SVM depends on keypoints location clustering instead of sliding window approach. Besides enhance the resolution independency by using geospatial info extracted from the remote sensing images meta-data to extract real dimensions of objects during training and detection. The whole approach will be tested practically in the experiment work to prove that this approach is capable to detecting a number of geo-spatial objects, such as airplane, airports and cars. Introduction The remote sensing, images has been developed in quantity and quality and its applications. The image itself is not useful without analysis. The analysis is to generate information from the image.ÂÂ   One of the image analysis tasks is the detection of objects from the images, either man-made objects or natural objects. The automation of this task is very useful in real world applications, but it is very challenging. This can be one of the computer vision field problems. The methods that, use local features in object, recognition from visual data is very successful in recent researches. The benefits of using local features is immunity, to occlusion, and clutter, and with greatest significantly, no pre-step of segmentation, is required before local feature extraction. The accessibility of diverse feature extraction and descriptors algorithms lets local feature methods efficient. Furthermore, the large number of features, generated from images of objects is crucial advantage, of l ocal features. While the benefits of local features are useful, a feature has to cover some factors; like invariance to scaling, rotation, illumination, viewing direction slight change, noise and cluttering. Motivation The revolutionary technology used in new generation satellite systems is driving the development of new large scale data handling approaches in remote sensing related applications. Furthermore, the large image archives captured over the previous missions are now being used to produce innovative global products. In particular, the development of large-scale analytics tools to efficiently extract information and apply the achieved results towards answering scientific questions represents a big challenge for the research community working in the Remote Sensing field. One of the most useful analytic tools in remote sensing images is the object detection and recognition, either the man-made objects or natural ones as shown in Figure ‎1‑1 Figure ‎1‑1 Object detection as a Remote sensing image interpretation analysis There are a lot of challenges faced by the researchers like, but not limited to, enhancing the efficiency to process large data, developing the suitable techniques to detect and recognize various object types and develop tools and platforms needed to store, analyze, interpret and represent data and results. These challenges united experts of data science, algorithm development and computer science, as well as environmental experts and geoscientists, to present state-of-the-art algorithms, tools, and applications for processing and exploitation of a huge amount of remotely sensed data. The scope of these researches can be generalized as following: Studies describing advanced approaches to process large volume of multi-temporal optical, SAR (Synthetic Aperture Radar) and radiometric data. Studies discussing innovative techniques, and associated data processing methods for very large-scale data exploitation. Critical analyses of existing and innovative tools, methods and techniques for large-scale analytics to extract and represent information Results of case studies executed at different large spatial and temporal scales, also by using GRID and/or Cloud Computing platforms. Results of on-going national/international initiatives and solutions for managing, processing, and disseminating huge archives of Remote Sensing data and relevant results. Problem Statement This thesis addresses the problem of geospatial object detection and recognition from high resolution satellite images. The problem we are trying to solve is to decide if a given aerial, or satellite image, contains one or more objects, belonging to the class of interest, and locate the position, of each predicted object, in the image. The expression object stated in this thesis is any type of object may appear in the remote sensing images, including man-made objects which have sharp edges and are distinct from the background, for example a building, a ship, a vehicle. Our solution must be consider the challenges and difficulties of object detection in optical remote sensing images like visual appearance variations which caused by occlusion, viewpoint variation, clutter, illumination variation, shadow variation, etc. A general statement of the problem can be formulated as follows: Given a remote sensing image contains different objects, it is required to decide if one or more occurrences of a specific object class is existing in this image, and if so, detect locations of these objects, this needs to be successful in case of variation of viewpoint, occlusion, background clutter Objectives Model a methodology to solve the problem stated above that can features the following: Acquire training data of unlimited object classes. Read high resolution remote sensing images and able to analyze its data. Detect occurrences of trained object classes in the remote sensing images Demonstrate results as a geo-referenced data type. In this thesis, we will demonstrate a model to achieve these objectives, and assess its results compared to other state-of-the-art models presented in the recent researches. Thesis Layout The thesis is composed of five chapters, the first chapter presenting an introduction stating the motivation, problem definition and objectives, second chapter is discussing the literature survey about the problem and researches in the field, third chapter presenting a detailed explanation of the methodology proposed to solve the problem. Fourth chapter contains the experimental results of the model. Fifth chapter discusses and concludes the methodology represented in this thesis, then a few points is suggested as a future work.

Peter Paul Rubens :: essays research papers

Peter Paul Rubens was the painter of the first part of the 17th Century in Catholic Europe. How he became so is an interesting story.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Rubens was educated to be a humanist but like all great artists choose his profession for himself. The combination of first-rate classical education with an innate visual genius made for an unprecedented combination in an artist.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   It has been said that no artist has ever been as well educated as Rubens. After training with three minor artists in Antwerp. Rubens set off for Italy to complete his education; a position at the court of the Duke of Mantua was quickly accepted and he stayed in Italy for eight years. His job was to travel to all the major artistic collections, especially Rome and Venice painting copies of famous works of art, especially paintings of beautiful women, for the Duke's collection. He was also sent to Spain where he had an opportunity to study the enormous collection of Titian masterworks in the Royal Collection in Madrid. Copying the masterpieces of the Italian Renaissance especially and the recently unearthed sculptures of classical antiquity, Rubens sketched and painted and encompassed all that was best in Italian and Classical art. Rubens combined the lessons of Antique Sculpture with the vaunting ambition of the High Renaissance giants in an unprecedented way. He used the plastic less ons of sculpture as a composition model but insisted that flesh should look like flesh in a painting thus developing his breakthrough approach to the naked body. In this he never forgot the earthy luminous realism of the old Netherlandish tradition of the 15th and 16th century (Van Eyck, Van Weyden, Breughel). You won't appreciate Rubens the master of the female nude until you consider that he was the greatest influence on French painting from the 18th to the 20th century: Watteau, Fragonard, Delacroix, and Renoir were his among his loyal followers.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Rubens was to develop a phenomenal ability to analyze the different styles of painting and sculpture and then synthesis them into whatever his clients wanted. His clients included just about every Catholic monarch, as well as Catholic leaning Protestants like King Charles I of England, and every major religious order in Western Europe. Not to mention every wealthy connoisseur of painting. To satisfy an ever growing demand Rubens opened the largest art workshop Europe has ever seen: he would paint an small initial oil sketch which when approved and contracted for would be given over to one or more of his students to paint the full length canvas, finally Rubens would add the finishing touches and sign it.

Carl Robins Essay

This case study pertains to an employee by the name of Carl Robins. He has been employed by ABC, Inc as a Campus Recruiter for six months. In early April, during Mr. Robins first six months of employment; he successfully recruited 15 new hires. The new trainees were to report to Monica Carrolls, the Operations Supervisor, as they would be working under her. (University of Phoenix, 2014) This case study analysis of Mr. Robins is in relation to the numerous issues that transpired between April and June 15th. To obtain a clear understanding of the complications that transpired, the company believes that it would be in their best interest to consult a firm to look into the company’s issues and to help solve the problems that have emerged; this may be the most effective method to identify and recommend ways to improve ABC, Inc.’s recruiting of new trainees. I. ISSUES THAT TRANSPIRED The consulting firm came into ABC, Inc. and thoroughly examined background information on the situation. There were many key problems that had been identified during the evaluation. The issues that ABC, Inc. was facing were centered on Mr. Carl Robins, ABC, Inc.’s Campus Recruiter and also on the company ABC, Inc. To begin, Mr. Robins has been with the company merely a short six months. The consulting firm believes that Mr. Robins lacks experience, training and supervision. The firm also believes that ABC, Inc. did not train him properly nor did it provide him with the knowledge he needed to proceed properly with the hiring process. He lacked experience and knowledge of the hiring process and he was still allowed to hire 15 new  trainees for the Operations Supervisor, Monica Carrolls. Although hiring 15 new trainees is great accomplishment for a new employee, this might have been too many employees to be hired at once for a first recruitment. Because he is still new to ABC, Inc., learning about day to day operations, the hiring of 15 new trainees can be overwhelming, even to the most experienced of people. Another issue Mr. Robin’s was facing, was the lack of communication between him and the other employees in the office. On May 15th, he was contacted by Monica Carrolls about the following issues: the training schedule, orientation, manuals, policy booklets, physicals, drug tests, and a host of other issues, which Carl would coordinate for the new hires. Once again, Carl assured the Operations Supervisor, Monica Carrolls, that he would have everything completed and arranged by the June 15th orientation. After further review, Carl had realized that when going through the new trainee files to finalize all the paperwork for the June 15th orientation; applications for some of the new trainees had not been completed. Also, there were no transcripts on file and none of the 15 trainees had been sent for the mandatory drug screen. Another problem Carl had was that the orientation manuals were missing several pages from each of them and he only had three copies of the manuals. Lastly, upon checking the conference room to confirm the date of the orientation, he had not realized that the conference room had been booked for the whole month of June by the Technology Services Department. There are several concerns or issues that need to be addressed and that Carl and ABC, Inc. need to rectify. Below are the listed issues of these concerns that will be discussed. Review of addressed issues: 1. Incomplete employee applications 2. Mandatory drug screens were not scheduled 3. Employee transcripts were not on file 4. Incomplete orientation manuals 5. Shortage of orientation manuals 6. Resource scheduling conflicts II. PROBLEM SOLVING SOLUTIONS After the case review of Carl Robin’s, discussion of possible solutions available to rectify the situations at hand and the proposed solutions that Mr. Robin’s should take have been reviewed. Starting with concerns and issues, numbers one through three, the incomplete employee applications; Carl needs to contact the 15 new hires and make them aware of the absence in their records and have them complete the applications that need to be submitted to the Human Resources Department along with a transcript; they also have to complete a mandatory drug screen prior to orientation. Carl needs to set a deadline for the mandatory drug screens to be completed prior to the June 15th orientation training. On the concerns and issues, number four and five, the incomplete orientation manuals and the shortage of the orientation manuals. The orientation manuals were short by 12; Carl needs to make arrangements with company in house copy person to finish completing the orientation manuals he needs or he must contact an outside company to help rectify the need for the orientation manuals. Carl needs to have a â€Å"Main Copy Manual† made for himself or the next person that is in his position. A hard copy manual is something that should be kept on file, so that pages will not be misplaced and there will always be one on file. Carl seems to lack knowledge of ABC, Inc.’s policies and procedures. He must get to know the material in the company’s orientation manual prior to the July orientation. Reading over the material prior to the orientation and also going over what he will be saying to the new hires with his own supervisor or another staff member might be a good way to go about this. Mr. Robin’s can also make key notes to have for himself during the orientation so he can be prepared prior to the training. Lastly, on issue and concern number six. ABC, Inc. must make arrangements to find a better way to coordinate the availability of the conference room or rooms. By not having arrangements in place for this, Carl currently does not have a place to hold orientation that is to take place on June 15th; due to the Technology Services Department holding training for the whole month of June. Whether the system that they choose be a calendar type paper based or web based, ABC, Inc. should have something in place so errors like these do not occur again. A recommendation of a web based calendar and have one person take control of it is suggested. III. PROPOSED COMPANY SOLUTIONS The proposed company solutions that should take place are: refer all applicants to the Human Resources Department and also for all new employees establish bimonthly or monthly start dates to coincide with the company’s pay periods. Have orientation manuals printed either by an in house copy person or have orientation manuals completed by an outside company. Lastly, ABC, Inc. must set up a calendar system for reserving the conference room and Carl needs to go ahead and reserve this room on a reoccurring basis. It will be easier to cancel the reserved room rather than to go scrambling looking for a room to hold orientation in. A web based calendar controlled by one person is what is recommended. Having upper management hold a meeting to discuss implementing the proposed solutions should be an additional step to take for all corporate management. Also, upper management should meet on a monthly basis to discuss issues that may be happening within the company and use critical thinking skills to help determine what steps they need to take to help their employees better themselves at their jobs. This will bring good morale to the company and will make for a better work environment. CONCLUSION In conclusion, Carl Robins is an employee of ABC, Inc. and has been working for the company for just six months. He holds the position of Campus Recruiter and on his first recruitment hired 15 new trainees. Carl lacked supervision, knowledge and experience and was not ready for such a large task. He was missing applications and mandatory drug screenings that were needed to complete employee records. Carl also did not have proper completed orientation manuals. These issues led to a case study of Carl and ABC, Inc. and proposed solutions were recommended. The recommended solutions are as follows: 1. Refer all applicants to the Human Resources Department 2. All new employees to establish bimonthly/monthly start dates to coincide with pay periods 3. Orientation manuals to be printed in house or by outside company 4. Have a â€Å"hard copy manual† made of orientation manual 5. Set up a web based calendar system for reserving conference room or rooms It is not impossible to overcome these issues, the proposed solutions if set in place should make for a better work environment for the employees of ABC, Inc. References (2014). Case study: carl robins. University of Phoenix.

The Economic and Social Impact of Colonial Rule in India

The Economic and Social Impact of Colonial Rule in India Chapter 3 of Class Structure and Economic Growth: India & Pakistan since the Moghuls Maddison (1971) British imperialism was more pragmatic than that of other colonial powers. Its motivation was economic, not evangelical. There was none of the dedicated Christian fanaticism which the Portuguese and Spanish demonstrated in Latin America and less enthusiasm for cultural diffusion than the French (or the Americans) showed in their colonies. For this reason they westernized India only to a limited degree. British interests were of several kinds.At first the main purpose was to achieve a monopolistic trading position. Later it was felt that a regime of free trade would make India a major market for British goods and a source of raw materials, but British capitalists who invested in India, or who sold banking or shipping service there, continued effectively to enjoy monopolistic privileges. India also provided interesting and lucrati ve employment for a sizeable portion of the British upper middle class, and the remittances they sent home made an appreciable contribution to Britain's balance of payments and capacity to save.Finally, control of India was a key element in the world power structure, in terms of geography, logistics and military manpower. The British were not averse to Indian economic development if it increased their markets but refused to help in areas where they felt there was conflict with their own economic interests or political security. Hence, they refused to give protection to the Indian textile industry until its main competitor became Japan rather than Manchester, and they did almost nothing to further technical education.They introduced some British concepts of property, but did not push them too far when they met vested interests. The main changes which the British made in Indian society were at the top. They replaced the wasteful warlord aristocracy by a bureaucratic-military establish ment, carefully designed by utilitarian technocrats, which was very efficient in maintaining law and order. The greater efficiency of government permitted a substantial reduction in the fiscal burden, and a bigger share of the national product was available for landlords, capitalists and the new professional classes.Some of this upper class income was siphoned off to the UK, but the bulk was spent in India. However, the pattern of consumption changed as the new upper class no longer kept harems and palaces, nor did they wear fine muslins and damascened swords. This caused some painful readjustments in the traditional handicraft sector. It seems likely that there was some increase in productive investment which must have been near zero in Moghul India: government itself carried out productive investment in railways and irrigation and as a result there was a growth in both agricultural and industrial output.The new elite established a Western life-style using the English language and 1 English schools. New towns and urban amenities were created with segregated suburbs and housing for them. Their habits were copied by the new professional elite of lawyers, doctors, teachers, journalists and businessmen. Within this group, old caste barriers were eased and social mobility increased. As far as the mass of the population were concerned, colonial rule brought few significant changes. The British educational effort was very limited.There were no major changes in village society, in the caste system, the position of untouchables, the joint family system, or in production techniques in agriculture. British impact on economic and social development was, therefore, limited. Total output and population increased substantially but the gain in per capita output was small or negligible. It is interesting to speculate about India's potential economic fate if it had not had two centuries of British rule. There are three major alternatives which can be seriously considered. One would have been the maintenance of indigenous rule with a few foreign enclaves, as in China.Given the fissiparous forces in Indian society, it is likely that there would have been major civil wars in China in the second half of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century and the country would probably have split up. Without direct foreign interference with its educational system, it is less likely that India would have developed a modernizing intelligentsia than China because Indian society was less rational and more conservative, and the Chinese had a much more homogeneous civilization around which to build their reactive nationalism.If this situation had prevailed, population would certainly have grown less but the average standard of living might possibly have been a little higher because of the bigger upper class, and the smaller drain of resources abroad (1). Another alternative to British rule would have been conquest and maintenance of power by some oth er West European country such as France or Holland. This probably would not have produced results very different in economic terms from British rule.The third hypothesis is perhaps the most intriguing, i. e. conquest by a European power, with earlier accession to independence. If India had had self-government from the 1880s, after a century and a quarter of British rule, it is likely that both income and population growth would have been accelerated. There would have been a smaller drain of investible funds abroad, greater tariff protection, more state enterprise and favours to local industry, more technical training – the sort of things which happened after 1947.However, India would probably not have fared as well as Meiji Japan, because the fiscal leverage of government would have been smaller, zeal for mass education less, and religious and caste barriers would have remained as important constraints on productivity. Establishment of a New Westernized Elite The biggest chan ge the British made in the social structure was to replace the warlord aristocracy by an efficient bureaucracy and army. The traditional system of the East India Company had been to pay its servants fairly modest salaries, and to let them augment their income from 2 rivate transactions. This arrangement worked reasonably well before the conquest of Bengal, but was inefficient as a way of remunerating the officials of a substantial territorial Empire because (a) too much of the profit went into private hands rather than the Company's coffers, and (b) an overrapacious short-term policy was damaging to the productive capacity of the economy and likely to drive the local population to revolt, both of which were against the Company's longer-term interests. Clive had operated a ‘dual' system, i. e. Company power and a puppet Nawab.Warren Hastings displaced the Nawab and took over direct administration, but retained Indian officials. Finally, in 1785, Cornwallis created a professiona l cadre of Company servants who had generous salaries, had no private trading or production interests in India, enjoyed the prospect of regular promotion and were entitled to pensions (2). All high-level posts were reserved for the British, and Indians were excluded. Cornwallis appointed British judges, and established British officials as revenue collectors and magistrated in each district of Bengal.From 1806 the Company trained its young recruits in Haileybury College near London. Appointments were still organized on a system of patronage, but after 1833 the Company selected amongst its nominated candidates by competitive examination. After 1853, selection was entirely on merit and the examination was thrown open to any British candidate. The examination system was influenced by the Chinese model, which had worked well for 2,000 years and had a similar emphasis on classical learning and literary competence.The Indian civil service was therefore able to secure high quality people b ecause (a) it was very highly paid; (b) it enjoyed political power which no bureaucrat could have had in England. In 1829 the system was strengthened by establishing districts throughout British India small enough to be effectively controlled by an individual British official who henceforth exercised a completely autocratic power, acting as revenue collector, judge and chief of police (functions which had been separate under the Moghul administration). This arrangement later became the cornerstone of Imperial administration throughout the British Empire.As the civil service was ultimately subject to the control of the British parliament, and the British community in India was subject to close mutual surveillance, the administration was virtually incorruptible. The army of the Company was a local mercenary force with 20,000-30,000 British officers and troops. It was by far the most modern and efficient army in Asia. After the Mutiny in 1857, the size of the British contingent was rai sed to a third of the total strength and all officers were British until the 1920s when a very small number of Indians was recruited.Normally, the total strength of the army was about 200,000. This army was very much smaller than those of Moghul India,3 but had better training and equipment, and the railway network (which was constructed partly for military reasons) gave it greater mobility, better logistics and intelligence. The higher ranks of the administration remained almost entirely British until the 1920s when the Indian civil service examinations began to be held in India as well as the UK. 4 In 3 addition, there was a whole hierarchy of separate bureaucracies in which the higher ranks were British, i. e. he revenue, justice, police, education, medical, public works, engineering, postal and railway services as well as the provincial civil services. India thus offered highly-paid careers to an appreciable portion of the British middle and upper classes (particularly for its p eripheral members from Scotland and Ireland). From the 1820s to the 1850s the British demonstrated a strong urge to change Indian social institutions, and to Westernize India. 5 They stamped out infanticide and ritual burning of widows (sati). They abolished slavery and eliminated dacoits (religious thugs) from the highways.They legalized the remarriage of widows and allowed Hindu converts to Christianity to lay claim to their share of joint family property. They took steps to introduce a penal code (the code was actually introduced in 1861) based on British law, which helped inculcate some ideas of equality. ‘Under his old Hindu law, a Brahmin murderer might not be put to death, while a Sudra who cohabited with a high-caste woman would automatically suffer execution. Under the new law, Brahmin and Sudra were liable to the same punishment for the same offence (6).There was a strong streak of Benthamite radicalism in the East India Company administration (7). James Mill became a senior company official in 1819 after writing a monumental history of India which showed a strong contempt for Indian institutions (8). From 1831 to 1836 he was the chief executive officer of the E. I. C. and his son John Stuart Mill worked for the Company from 1823 to 1858. Malthus was professor of economics at Haileybury, and the teaching there for future company officials was strongly influenced by Utilitarianism. Bentham himself was also consulted on the reform of Indian institutions.The Utilitarians deliberately used India to try out experiments and ideas (e. g. competitive entry for the civil service) which they would have liked to apply in England. The Utilitarians were strong supporters of laissez-faire and abhorred any kind of state interference to promote economic development. Thus they tended to rely on market forces to deal with famine problems, they did nothing to stimulate agriculture or protect industry. This laissez-faire tradition was more deeply embedded in the I ndian civil service than in the UK itself, and persisted very strongly until the late 1920s.The administration was efficient and incorruptible, but the state apparatus was of a watchdog character with few development ambitions. Even in 1936, more than half of government spending was for the military, justice, police and jails, and less than 3 per cent for agriculture (9). One of the most significant things the British did to Westernize India was to introduce a modified version of English education. Macaulay's 1835 Minute on Education had a decisive impact on British educational policy and is a classic example of a Western rationalist approach to Indian civilization.Before the British took over, the Court language of the Moghuls was Persian and the Muslim population used Urdu, a mixture of Persian, Arabic and Sanskrit. Higher education was largely religious and stressed knowledge of Arabic and Sanskrit. The Company had given some 4 financial support to a Calcutta Madrassa (1781), and a Sanskrit college at Benares (1792), Warren Hastings, as governor general from 1782 to 1795 had himself learned Sanskrit and Persian, and several other Company officials were oriental scholars.One of them, Sir William Jones, had translated a great mass of Sanskrit literature and had founded the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1785. But Macaulay was strongly opposed to this orientalism: â€Å"I believe that the present system tends, not to accelerate the progress of truth, but to delay the natural death of expiring errors. We are a Board for wasting public money, for printing books which are less value than the paper on which they are printed was while it was blank; for giving artificial encouragement to absurd history, absurd metaphysics, absurd physics, absurd theology †¦ I have no knowledge of either Sanskrit or Arabic †¦But I have done what I could to form a correct estimate of their value †¦ Who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth t he whole native literature of India and Arabia †¦ all the historical information which has been collected from all the books written in the Sanskrit language is less valuable than what may be found in the most paltry abridgements used at preparatory schools in England. † For these reasons Macaulay had no hesitation in deciding in favour of English education, but it was not to be for the masses: â€Å"It is impossible for us, with our limited means to attempt to educate the body of the people.We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern; a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect. To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from the Western nomenclature, and to render them by degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the po pulation† (10). Until 1857 it was possible to entertain the view (as Marx id) that the British may eventually destroy traditional Indian society and Westernize the country (11). But activist Westernizing policies and the attempt to extend British rule by taking over native states whose rulers had left no heirs provoked sections of both the Hindu and Muslim communities into rebellion in the Mutiny of 1857. Although the Mutiny was successfully put down with substantial help from loyal Indian troops including the recently conquered Sikhs, British policy towards Indian institutions and society became much more conservative. The Crown took over direct responsibility and the East India Company was disbanded.The Indian civil service attracted fewer people with innovating ideas than had the East India Company and was more closely controlled from London. The British forged an alliance with the remaining native princes and stopped taking over new territory. Until the end of their rule a bout a quarter of the Indian population remained in quasiautonomous native states. These had official British residents but were fairly free in internal policy, and the effort of Westernization came to a standstill. 5 The education system which developed was a very pale reflection of that in the UK.Three universities were set up in 1857 in Calcutta, Madras and Bombay, but they were merely examining bodies and did no teaching. Higher education was carried out in affiliated colleges which gave a two-year B. A. course with heavy emphasis on rote learning and examinations. Drop-out ratios were always very high. They did little to promote analytic capacity or independent thinking and produced a group of graduates with a half-baked knowledge of English, but sufficiently Westernized to be alienated from their own culture. 12 It was not until the 1920s that Indian universities provided teaching facilities and then only for M. A. tudents. Furthermore, Indian education was of a predominantly literacy character and the provision for technical training was much less than in any European country. Education for girls was almost totally ignored throughout the nineteenth century. Because higher education was in English, there was no official effort to translate Western literature into the vernacular, nor was there any standardization of Indian scripts whose variety is a major barrier to multi-lingualism amongst educated Indians. Primary education was not taken very seriously as a government obligation and was financed largely by the weak local authorities.As a result, the great mass of the population had no access to education and, at independence in 1947, 88 per cent were illiterate. Progress was accelerated from the 1930s onwards, but at independence only a fifth of children were receiving any primary schooling. Education could have played a major role in encouraging social mobility, eliminating religious superstition, increasing productivity, and uplifting the status of wo men. Instead it was used to turn a tiny elite into imitation Englishmen and a somewhat bigger group into government clerks. Having failed to Westernize India, the British established themselves as a separate ruling caste.Like other Indian castes, they did not intermarry or eat with the lower (native) castes. Thanks to the British public-school system, their children were shipped off and did not mingle with the natives. At the end of their professional careers they returned home. The small creole class of Anglo-Indians were outcastes unable to integrate into Indian or local British society (13). The British kept to their clubs and bungalows in special suburbs known as cantonments and civil lines. They maintained the Moghul tradition of official pomp, sumptuary residences, and retinues of servants (14).They did not adopt the Moghul custom of polygamy, but remained monogamous and brought in their own women. Society became prim and priggish (15). The British ruled India in much the same way as the Roman consuls had ruled in Africa 2,000 years earlier, and were very conscious of the Roman paradigm. The elite with its classical education and contempt for business were quite happy establishing law and order, and keeping ‘barbarians' at bay on the frontier of the raj. 16 They developed their own brand of self-righteous arrogance, considering themselves purveyors not of popular but of good government.For them the word ‘British' lost its geographic connotation and became an epithet signifying moral rectitude. 6 The striking thing about the British raj is that it was operated by so few people. There were only 31,000 British in India in 1805 (of which 22,000 were in the army and 2,000 in civil government) (17). The number increased substantially after the Mutiny, but thereafter remained steady. In 1911, there were 164,000 British (106,000 employed, of which 66,000 were in the army and police and 4,000 in civil government) (18). In 1931, there were 168,000 (90, 000 employed, 60,000 in the army and police and 4,000 in civil overnment). They were a thinner layer than the Muslim rulers had been (never more than 0. 05 per cent of the population). Because of the small size of the administration and its philosophy of minimal government responsibility outside the field of law and order, India ended the colonial period with a very low level of taxation. The British had inherited the Moghul tax system which provided a land revenue equal to 15 per cent of national income, but by the end of the colonial period land tax was only 1 per cent of national income and the total tax burden was only 6 per cent.It is curious that this large reduction in the fiscal burden has passed almost without comment in the literature on Indian economic history. 19 On the contrary, emphasis is usually place on the heaviness of the tax burden, e. g. by D. Naoroji and R. C. Dutt. Most of the benefits of the lower fiscal burden were felt by landlords, and were not passed on t o the mass of the population. In urban areas new classes emerged under British rule, i. e. industrial capitalists and a new bourgeoisie of bureaucrats, lawyers, doctors, teachers and journalists whose social position was due to education and training rather than heredity.In the princely states, the remnants of the Moghul aristocracy continued their extravagances – large palaces, harems, hordes of retainers, miniature armies, ceremonial elephants, tiger hunts, and stables full of Rolls Royces. Agriculture The colonial government made institutional changes in agriculture by transforming traditionally circumscribed property rights into something more closely resembling the unencumbered private property characteristic of Western capitalism. The beneficiaries of these new rights varied in different parts of India.The top layer of Moghul property, the jagir, was abolished (except in the autonomous princely states), and the bulk of the old warlord aristocracy was dispossessed. Their previous income from land revenue, and that of the Moghul state, was now appropriated by the British as land tax. However, in the Bengal presidency (i. e. modern Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and part of Madras) the second layer of Moghul property rights belonging to Moghul tax collectors (zamindars) was reinforced (20). All zamindars in these areas now had hereditary status, so long as they paid their land taxes, and their judicial and administrative functions disappeared (21).In the Moghul period the zamindars had usually kept a tenth of the land revenue to themselves, but by the end of British rule their income from rents was a multiple of the tax they paid to the state. In Bihar, for instance, five-sixths of the total sum levied by 1950 was rent and only one-sixth revenue (22). 7 However, zamindars were not really the equivalent of Western landowners. Dominant families in each village remained as their ‘tenants-in-chief’ and continued to enjoy many of the old customary rig hts, i. e. they could not be evicted, their rights were heritable and their rental payments could not be raised easily.Lower-caste families were usually sub-tenants of the tenants-in-chief, rather than direct tenants of the zamindars. Often there were several layers of tenancy between the actual cultivator and the zamindar. Sub-tenants had less security and less defence against rack-renting than tenants-in-chief. It is worth noting that when zamindari rights were abolished around 1952 and the old zamindar rental income was converted into state revenue, the amount involved was only about 2 per cent of farm income in the relevant areas of India.This suggests that by the end of the colonial period, the zamindars were not able to squeeze as much surplus out of their chief tenants as is sometimes suggested. The typical zamindari estate at the end of British rule seems to have been very different from that at the end of the eighteenth century. In Bengal the total â€Å"number of landowne rs which did not exceed 100 in the beginning of Hasting's administration in 1772, rose in the course of a century to 154,200†. In 1872 there were 154,200 estates of which â€Å"533, or 0. 34 per cent, only are great properties with an area of 20,000 acres and upwards; 15,747, or 10. 1 per cent, range from 500 to 20,000 acres in area; while the number of estates which fell short of 500 acres is no less than 137,920, or 89. 44 per cent, of the whole† (23). Misra attributes this fall in the average size of zamindari properties to the fact that they could be inherited or sold freely, whereas the Moghul state wanted to keep the number small because zamindars had administrative functions under the Moghul Empire. Under the British, transfers became much more frequent, particularly into the hands of moneylenders.The moneylenders are frequently presented as squeezing out poor peasants and tenantry and thus promoting the concentration of wealth, but the evidence of what happened to zamindar estates suggests that village moneylenders may also have helped to break up concentrations of wealth (24). In the Madras and Bombay Presidencies, which covered most of Southern India, the British dispossessed many of the old Moghul and Mahratta nobility and big zamindars, and vested property rights and tax obligations in individual ‘peasants'.This settlement was known as the ryotwari (peasant tenure) system. However, the term peasant is misleading, because most of those who acquired land titles belonged to the traditionally dominant castes in villages. Lower-caste cultivators became their tenants. Thus there was no change in social structure at the village level, except that the new ownership rights gave greater opportunities for sale and mortgage, and the security of the tenant was less than it had been under the previous system. The change in legal status was limited by several factors.First of all, illiterate peasant did not always understand the new situation, and there were strong social ties in the joint family and the caste panchayats to prevent major deviations from old habits Secondly, the new administration was rather remote from 8 individual villages (with a district officer responsible for over a thousand villages), and many British administrators had a personal bias in favour of customary tenant rights because by maintaining them they could avoid political trouble. At a later stage, the government itself introduced a good deal of legislation to protect customary rights in response to peasant disturbances. 5 Land policy was, therefore, another instance of British policy of halfWesternization. The change from custom to contract was not nearly as sharp as that brought about in Japan by the Meiji land reforms. The British were more concerned with arrangements which would guarantee their revenue and not provoke too much political disturbance rather than in increasing productivity or introducing capitalist institutions. The Utilitarian s who dominated the Company from 1820 to 1850 would have liked to push in this direction, but they were displaced at mid-century by the paternalist conservatives f the Imperial raj.Nevertheless, there were some economic consequences of the new legal situation. Because of the emergence of clear titles, it was now possible to mortgage land. The status of moneylenders was also improved by the change from Muslim to British law. There had been moneylenders in the Moghul period, but their importance grew substantially under British rule, and over time a considerable amount of land changed hands through foreclosures (26). Over time, two forces raised the income of landowners. One of these was the increasing scarcity of land as population expanded. This raised land values and rents.The second was the decline in the incidence of land tax. Indian literature usually stresses the heavy burden of land tax in the early days of British rule, but the fact that it fell substantially over time is sel dom noted (27). The Moghul land tax was about 30 per cent of the crop, but by 1947 land tax was only 2 per cent of agricultural income. The fall was most marked in Bengal where the tax was fixed in perpetuity in 1793, but it was also true in other areas. As a result of these changes, there was not only an increase in village income but a widening of income inequality within villages.The village squirearchy received relatively higher incomes because of the reduced burden of land tax and the increase in rents; tenants and agricultural labourers may well have experienced a decline in income because their traditional rights were curtailed and their bargaining power was reduced by land scarcity. The class of landless agricultural labourers grew in size under British rule, but modern scholarship has shown that they were not a â€Å"creation† of the British (28). They were about 15 per cent of the rural population at the end of the eighteenth century, and about a quarter of the labo ur force now.Although these were important modifications in the village structure, the traditional hierarchy of caste was not destroyed. Income differentials widened, but the social and ritual hierarchy in villages did not change its character. Village society was not egalitarian in Moghul times, and in most cases those whose income rose in the British period were already socially dominant, although there were exceptions (29). Recent sociological studies, although they indicate 9 changes in the British period, also portray a village hierarchy in the 1940s and 1950s which cannot be very different from that in the Moghul period (30).We still find a dominant caste of petty landlords, an intermediate group of tenants, village artisans tied by jajmani relationships, a group of low-status labourers, untouchable menials with the whole held together by the same elaborate system of caste. One might have expected the legal changes introduced by the British to have had a positive effect on eff iciency. They removed the class of jagirdars who had no incentive to invest in agriculture, and gave land rights to rural capitalists who could buy and sell land fairly freely and enjoy an increasing portion of the product.Moneylenders helped to root out improvident or inefficient landowners. However, most farmers were illiterate and the government did not provide research or extension services, or encourage the use of fertilizers. Until recently, with the arrival of the tubewell, there were technical limits to the possibility of small-scale irrigation. There were also organizational difficulties in changing technique to improve productivity. The division of labour in the village and hereditary attitudes to work as a semi-religious ritual rather than a means to improve income were obstacles to change.Furthermore, a good many of the cultivating landowners whose income was increased were relatively poor and used their increased income for consumption rather than investment. Some of th ose who were better off probably improved their land or took over waste land, but as religion inculcated the idea that manual labour was polluting, some of them probably worked less (31). The big zamindars used some of their extra income to develop waste land, but many cultivated a life style rather like the old Moghul aristocracy and had a high propensity to consume. According to Raychaudhuri, â€Å"a zamindar's house with a hundred rooms was not exceptional†.Some of the enterprising ones probably transferred their savings out of agriculture into trade and industry or bought their children a Western-type education. Thus the effect of the change was to increase productivity and savings, but not much. During the period of British rule, agricultural production grew substantially in order to feed a population which grew from 165 million in 1757 to 420 million in 1947. The new system of land ownership offered some stimulus to increase output, and there was substantial waste land available for development. The colonial government made some contribution towards increased output through irrigation.The irrigated area was increased about eightfold, and eventually more than a quarter of the land of British India was irrigated. 33 Irrigation was extended both as a source of revenue and as a measure against famine. A good deal of the irrigation work was in the Punjab and Sind. The motive here was to provide land for retired Indian army personnel, many of whom came from the Punjab, and to build up population in an area which bordered on the disputed frontier with Afghanistan. These areas, which had formerly been desert, became the biggest irrigated area in the world and a major producer of wheat nd cotton, both for export and for sale in other parts of India. 10 Apart from government investment in irrigation, there was a substantial private investment, and by the end of British rule private irrigation investment covered nearly 25 million acres of British India. Impr ovements in transport facilities (particularly railways, but also steamships and the Suez canal) helped agriculture by permitting some degree of specialization on cash crops. This increased yields somewhat, but the bulk of the country stuck to subsistence farming. Plantations were developed for indigo, sugar, jute and tea.These items made a significant contribution to exports, but in the context of Indian agriculture as a whole, they were not very important. In 1946, the two primary staples, tea and jute, were less than 3. 5 per cent of the gross value of crop output. 34 Thus the enlargement of markets through international trade was less of a stimulus in India than in other Asian countries such as Ceylon, Burma or Thailand (35). Little was done to promote agricultural technology. There was some improvement in seeds, but no extension service, no improvement in livestock and no official encouragement to use fertilizer.Lord Mayo, the Governor General, said in 1870, â€Å"I do not kno w what is precisely meant by ammoniac manure. If it means guano, superphosphate or any other artificial product of that kind, we might as well ask the people of India to manure their ground with champagne† (36). Statistics are not available on agricultural output for the first century and a half of British rule, but all the indications suggest that there was substantial growth. We do not know whether output rose faster or more slowly than population, but it seems likely that the movements were roughly parallel.For the last half century of British rule, the main calculations of output are those by George Blyn. His first study, which has been widely quoted, was published in 1954 by the National Income Unit of the Indian government and showed only a 3 per cent increase in crop output in British India from 1893 to 1946, i. e. a period in which population increased 46 per cent! His second study, published in 1966 showed a 16. 6 per cent increase, and this, too, has been widely quot ed, but he also gives a ‘modified' series which shows a 28. 9 per cent increase.This seems preferable, as the official figures on rice yields in Orissa, which are corrected in his â€Å"modified† estimate, seem obviously in error. However, even Blyn's upper estimate is probably an understatement because he shows a very small increase in acreage. It is difficult to believe that per capita food output could have gone down as much as he suggests, whilst waste land remained unused. There has been a very big increase in the cultivated area since independence and it seems likely that the increase in the preceding half century was bigger than Blyn suggests.Therefore, my own estimate of crop output (Appendix B) for 1900-46, uses Blyn's figures on yields but assumes that the cultivated area rose by 23 per cent (Sivasubramonian's figure) rather than by 12. 2 per cent (Blyn's figure) (37). My estimate shows agricultural output rising about the same amount as population from 1900 t o 1946. However, even this may be too low. The basic reports on areas under cultivation are those provided by village accountants 11 (patwaris) in areas where land revenue was periodically changed, and by village watchmen (chowkidars) in areas where the land revenue was permanently settled.There was some incentive for farmers to bribe patwaris to under-report land for tax purposes, and chowkidars are all too often illiterate and drowsy people, who would usually report that things were normal, i. e. the same as the year before. There is, therefore, a tendency for under-reporting of both levels and rates of growth in areas covered by statistics, and the areas not covered by statistics were generally on the margin of cultivation and may have had a more steeply rising trend than the average area covered.Thus Blyn shows no growth in output in Bengal where the chowkidars did the basic reporting. He did not cover the Sind desert area in which the British built the huge Sukkur barrage in 19 32. Blyn was, of course, aware of these difficulties and tried to correct for them as far as possible, but the fundamental problems are not amenable to ‘statistical' manipulation but require ‘hunch' adjustment.My own conclusion from the evidence available is that agricultural output per head was at least as high at the end of British rule as it was in the Moghul period, and that rural consumption levels were somewhat higher because of the lower tax burden on agriculture, and the smaller degree of wastage which allowed surplus areas to sell their grains. This slight improvement in standards may have contributed to the expansion in population. However, agricultural yields and nutritional levels at independence were amongst the lowest in the world. Under British rule, the Indian population remained subject to recurrent famines and epidemic diseases.In 1876-8 and 1899-1900 famine killed millions of people. In the 1890s there was a widespread outbreak of bubonic plague and in 1919 a great influenza epidemic. It is sometimes asserted by Indian nationalist historians that British policy increased the incidence of famine in India, particularly in the nineteenth century (38). Unfortunately we do not have any figures on agricultural production for this period, and it is difficult to base a judgement merely on catalogues of famine years whose intensity we cannot measure. As agriculture was extended to more marginal land one would have expected output to become more volatile.But this was offset to a considerable extent by the major improvement in transport brought by railways, and the greater security of water supply brought by irrigation. It is noteworthy that the decades in which famines occurred were ones in which population was static rather than falling. 39 In the 1920s and 1930s there were no famines, and the 1944 famine in Bengal was due to war conditions and transport difficulties rather than crop failure. However, the greater stability after 1920 may have been partly due to a lucky break in the weather cycle40 rather than to a new stability of agriculture.British rule reduced some of the old checks on Indian population growth. The main contribution was the ending of internal warfare and local banditry. There was some reduction in the incidence of famine. The death rate was also reduced to some degree by making ritual suicide and infanticide illegal. The British contributed to public health by introducing smallpox vaccination, establishing Western medicine and training modern doctors, by killing rats, and establishing 12 quarantine procedures. As a result, the death rate fell and the population of India grew by 1947 to more than two-and-a-half times its size in 1757.Industry Several Indian authors have argued that British rule led to a de-industrialization of India. R. C. Dutt argued, â€Å"India in the eighteenth century was a great manufacturing as well as a great agricultural country, and the products of the Indian loom suppl ied the markets of Asia and Europe. It is, unfortunately, true that the East India Company and the British Parliament, following the selfish commercial policy of a hundred years ago, discouraged Indian manufacturers in the early years of British rule in order to encourage the rising manufactures of England.Their fixed policy, pursued during the last decades of the eighteenth century and the first decades of the nineteenth, was to make India subservient to the industries of Great Britain, and to make the Indian people grow raw produce only, in order to supply material for the looms and manufactories of Great Britain† (41). R. Palme Dutt, writing forty years later, argued that the process had been continuous: â€Å"the real picture of modern India is a picture of what has been aptly called â€Å"de-industrialization†that is, the decline of the old handicraft industry without the compensating advance of modern industry.The advance of factory industry has not overtaken the decay of handicraft. The process of decay characteristic of the nineteenth century has been carried forward in the twentieth century and in the post-war period† (42). Nehru, in his popular history is a conflation of the two Dutts, argued that the British deindustrialized India, and that this â€Å"is the real the fundamental cause of the appalling poverty of the Indian people, and it is of comparatively recent origin† (43).There is a good deal of truth in the deindustrialization argument. Moghul India did have a bigger industry than any other country which became a European colony, and was unique in being an industrial exporter in pre-colonial times. A large part of the Moghul industry was destroyed in the course of British rule. However, it is important to understand precisely how this deindustrialization came about and to try to get some idea of its quantitative significance in different periods.Oversimplified explanations, which exaggerate the role of British commer cial policy and ignore the role of changes in demand and technology, have been very common and have had some adverse impact on post-independence economic policy (44). Between 1757 and 1857 the British wiped out the Moghul court, and eliminated threequarters of the warlord aristocracy (all except those in princely states). They also eliminated more than half of the local chiefs (zamindars) and in their place established a bureaucracy with European tastes. The new rulers wore European clothes and shoes, drank imported beer, wines and spirits, and used European weapons.Their tastes were copied by the male members of the new Indian ‘middle class' which arose to act as their clerks and intermediaries. As a result of these political and social 13 changes, about three-quarters of the domestic demand for luxury handicrafts was destroyed. This was a shattering blow to manufacturers of fine muslins, jewellery, luxury clothing and footwear, decorative swords and weapons. It is not known how important these items were in national income, but my own guess would be that the home market for these goods was about 5 per cent of Moghul national income. The export market was probably another 1. per cent of national income, and most of this market was also lost. There was a reduction of European demand because of the change in sartorial tastes after the French revolution, and the greatly reduced price of more ordinary materials because of the revolution of textile technology in England. The second blow to Indian industry came from massive imports of cheap textiles from England after the Napoleonic wars. In the period 1896-1913, imported piece goods supplied about 60 per cent of Indian cloth consumption,45 and the proportion was probably higher for most of the nineteenth century.Home spinning, which was a spare-time activity of village women, was greatly reduced. A large proportion of village hand-loom weavers must have been displaced, though many switched to using factory i nstead of home-spun yarn. Even as late as 1940 a third of Indian piece goods were produced on hand looms (46). The new manufactured textile goods were considerably cheaper (47) and of better quality than hand-loom products, so their advent increased textile consumption. At the end of British rule, there can be no doubt that cloth consumption per head was substantially larger than in the Moghul period.We do not know how big an increase in textile consumption occurred, but if per capita consumption of cotton cloth doubled (which seems quite plausible), then the displacement effect on hand-loom weavers would have been smaller than at first appears. The hand-loom weavers who produced a third of output in 1940 would have been producing two-thirds if there had been no increase in per capita consumption. In time, India built up her own textile manufacturing industry which displaced British imports. But there was a gap of several decades before manufacturing started and a period of 130 year s before British textile imports were eliminated.India could probably have copied Lancashire's technology more quickly if she had been allowed to impose a protective tariff in the way that was done in the USA and France in the first few decades of the nineteenth century, but the British imposed a policy of free trade. British imports entered India duty free, and when a small tariff was required for revenue purposes Lancashire pressure led to the imposition of a corresponding excise duty on Indian products to prevent them gaining a competitive advantage. This undoubtedly handicapped industrial development.If India had been politically independent, her tax structure would probably have been different. In the 1880s, Indian customs revenues were only 2. 2 per cent of the trade turnover, i. e. the lowest ratio in any country. In Brazil, by contrast, import duties at that period were 21 per cent of trade turnover. 48 If India had enjoyed protection there is no doubt that its textile indus try would have started earlier and grown faster. 14 The first textile mills were started in the 1850s by Indian capitalists who had made their money trading with the British and had acquired some education in English.Cotton textiles were launched in Bombay with financial and managerial help from British trading companies. India was the first country in Asia to have a modern textile industry, preceding Japan by twenty years and China by forty years. Cotton mills were started in Bombay in 1851, and they concentrated on coarse yarns sold domestically and to China and Japan; yarn exports were about half of output. Modern jute manufacturing started about the same time as cotton textiles. The first jute mill was built in 1854 and the industry expanded rapidly in the vicinity of Calcutta. The industry was largely in the hands of foreigners (mainly Scots).Between 1879 and 1913 the number of jute spindles rose tenfold – much faster than growth in the cotton textile industry. The jute industry was able to expand faster than cotton textiles because its sales did not depend so heavily on the povertystricken domestic markets. Most of jute output was for export. Coal mining, mainly in Bengal, was another industry which achieved significance. Its output, which by 1914 had reached 15. 7 million tons, largely met the demands of the Indian railways. In 1911 the first Indian steel mill was built by the Tata Company at Jamshedpur in Bihar.However, production did not take place on a significant scale before the First World War. The Indian steel industry started fifteen years later than in China, where the first steel mill was built at Hangyang in 1896. The first Japanese mill was built in 1898. In both China and Japan the first steel mills (and the first textile mills) were government enterprises. Indian firms in industry, insurance and banking were given a boost from 1905 onwards by the swadeshi movement, which was a nationalist boycott of British goods in favour of Indian enterprise.During the First World War, lack of British imports strengthened the hold of Indian firms on the home market for textiles and steel. After the war, under nationalist pressure, the government started to favour Indian enterprise in its purchase of stores and it agreed to create a tariff commission in 1921 which started raising tariffs for protective reasons. By 1925, the average tariff level was 14 per cent49 compared with 5 per cent pre-war. The procedure for fixing tariffs was lengthy and tariff protection was granted more readily to foreign-owned than to Indian firms, but in the 1930s protection was sharply increased (50).The government was more willing to protect the textile industry when the threat came from Japan and not the UK. Between 1930 and 1934 the tariff on cotton cloth was raised from 11 to 50 per cent, although British imports were accorded a margin of preference. As a result of these measures, there was considerable substitution of local textiles for import s. In 1896, Indian mills supplied only 8 per cent of total cloth consumption; in 1913, 20 per cent; in 1936, 62 per cent; and in 1945, 76 per cent (51). By the latter date there were no imports of piece goods. 15Until the end of the Napoleonic wars, cotton manufactures had been India's main export. They reached their peak in 1798, and in 1813 they still amounted to ? 2 million, but thereafter they fell rapidly (52). Thirty years later, half of Indian imports were cotton textiles from Manchester. This collapse in India's main export caused a problem for the Company, which had to find ways to convert its rupee revenue into resources transferable to the UK. The Company therefore promoted exports of raw materials on a larger scale, including sugar, silk, saltpetre and indigo, and greatly increased exports of opium which were traded against Chinese tea.These dopepeddling efforts provoked the Anglo-Chinese war of 1842, after which access to the Chinese market was greatly widened. By the m iddle of the nineteenth century opium was by far the biggest export of India, and remained in this position until the 1880s when its relative and absolute importance began to decline. Another new export was raw cotton, which could not compete very well in European markets against higher quality American and Egyptian cottons, (except during the US Civil War), but found a market in Japan and China.Sugar exports were built up after 1833 when the abolition of slavery raised West Indian production costs, but India had no long-run comparative advantage in sugar exports. Indigo (used to dye textiles) was an important export until the 1890s when it was hit by competition from German synthetic dyes. The jute industry boomed from the time of the Crimean War onwards, when the UK stopped importing flax from Russia. In addition to raw jute (shipped for manufacture in Dundee) India exported jute manufactures. Grain exports were also built up on a sizeable scale, mainly from the newly irrigated ar ea of the Punjab.The tea industry was introduced to India from China and built up on a plantation basis. Tea exports became important from the 1860s onwards. Hides and skins and oil cake (used as animal feed and fertilizer) were also important raw material exports. Table 3-1 Level of Asian Exports f. o. b. 1850-1950 (million dollars) 1850 1913 1937 1950 Ceylon 5 76 124 328 China 24 294 516 (700) India 89 786 717 1,178 Indonesia 24 270 550 800 Japan 1 354 1,207 820 Malaya 24 193 522 1,312 Philippines n. a. 48 153 331 Thailand 3 43 76 304 Figures refer to customs area of the year concerned.In 1850 and 1913 the Indian area included Burma. The comparability of 1937 and 1950 figures is affected by the separation of Pakistan. Manufactured textile exports form India began to increase in the 1850s when the first modern mills were established. The bulk of exports were yarn and crude piece goods which were sold in China and Japan. As the Chinese and Japanese were prevented by colonial-type tr eaties from 16 imposing tariffs for manufactured imports they were wide open to Indian goods, and particularly cotton textiles and yarn.Indian jute manufactures were exported mainly to Europe and the USA However, India began to suffer from Japanese competition in the 1890s. Indian yarn exports to Japan dropped sharply from 8,400 tons in 1890 to practically nothing in 1898, and India also suffered from Japanese competition in China. The Japanese set up factories in China after the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-5. Before this, India had supplied 96 per cent of Chinese yarn imports, the UK 4 per cent, and Japan none. Within three years the Japanese were supplying a quarter to Chinese imports, and by 1914 India was exporting less yarn to China than was Japan.During the First World War Japan made further progress in the Chinese market and by 1924 supplied threequarters of Chinese imports. By 1928 India was exporting only 3 per cent of her yarn output. By the end of the 1930s, Indian exports of yarn to China and Japan had disappeared, piece goods exports had fallen off, and India imported both yarn and piece goods from China and Japan. Indian exports grew fairly rapidly in the period up to 1913, but their growth was slower than that of most other Asian countries which had a natural resource endowment offering greater opportunities for trade.As a consequence, in 1913, India had a smaller trade per head than most countries except China. Nevertheless, exports were 10. 7 per cent of national income, probably a higher ratio than has been reached before or since. Until 1898 India, like most Asian countries, was on the silver standard. In the 1870s the price of silver began to fall and the rupee depreciated against sterling. This led to some rise in the internal price level, but it helped to make Indian exports more competitive with those of the UK, e. g. in the Chinese textile market.In 1898, India adopted a gold exchange standard which tied the rupee to sterling at a fixed v alue of 15 to 1. This weakened her competitiveness vis-a-vis China which remained on a depreciating silver standard, but its potential adverse effects were mitigated because Japan went on to the gold exchange standard at the same time. During the First World War, when the sterling exchange rate was allowed to float, the rupee appreciated. Unfortunately, when sterling resumed a fixed (and overvalued) parity in 1925, the rupee exchange rate was fixed above the pre-war level.This overvaluation eased the fiscal problems of government in making transfers to the UK and enabled British residents in India, or those on Indian pensions in the UK, to get more sterling for their rupees, but it made it necessary for domestic economic policy to be deflationary (in cutting wages) and greatly hindered Indian exports, particularly those to or competing with China and Japan. As a result, Indian exports fell from 1913 to 1937, a poorer performance than that of almost any other country.At independence exports were less than 5 per cent of national income. If we look at Indian export performance from 1850 to 1950 it was worse than that of any other country 17 in Asia (see Table 3-1). The Second World War gave a fillip to Indian industrial output, but there was not much increase in capacity because of the difficulty of importing capital goods and the lack of a domestic capital goods industry. Many of the most lucrative commercial, financial, business and plantation jobs in the modern sector were occupied by foreigners.Although the East India Company's legally enforced monopoly privileges were ended in 1833, the British continued to exercise effective dominance through the system of ‘managing agencies'. These agencies, originally set up by former employees of the East India Company, were used both to manage industrial enterprise and to handle most of India's international trade. They were closely linked with British banks, insurance and shipping companies. Managing agencies had a quasi-monopoly in access to capital, and they had interlocking directorships which gave them control over supplies and markets (53).They dominated the foreign markets in Asia. They had better access to government officials than did Indians. The agencies were in many ways able to take decisions favourable to their own interests rather than those of shareholders. They were paid commissions based on gross profits or total sales and were often agents for the raw materials used by the companies they managed. Thus the Indian capitalists who did emerge were highly dependent on British commercial capital and many sectors of industry were dominated by British firms, e. . shipping, banking, insurance, coal, plantation crops and jute. Indian industrial efficiency was hampered by the British administration's neglect of technical education, and the reluctance of British firms and managing agencies to provide training of managerial experience to Indians. Even in the Bombay textile industry, wh ere most of the capital was Indian, 28 per cent of the managerial and supervisory staff were British in 1925 (42 per cent in 1895) and the British component was even bigger in more complex industries.This naturally raised Indian production costs (54). At lower levels there was widespread use of jobbers for hiring workers and maintaining discipline, and workers themselves were a completely unskilled group who had to bribe the jobbers to get and retain their jobs. There were also problems of race, language and caste distinctions between management, supervisors and workers (55). The small size and very diversified output of the enterprises hindered efficiency.It is partly for these reasons (and the overvaluation of the currency) that Indian exports had difficulty in competing with Japan. The basic limitations on the growth of industrial output were the extreme poverty of the rural population, and the fact that a large proportion of the elite had a taste for imported goods or exported t heir purchasing power. The government eventually provided tariff protection but did not itself create industrial plants, sponsor development banks, or give preference to local industry in allotting contracts.The banking system gave little help to industry and technical education was poor. Most of these things changed when India became independent except the first and most important, i. e. the extreme poverty of the rural population which limited the expansion of the 18 market for industrial goods. By the time of independence, large-scale factory industry in India employed less than 3 million people as compared with 12 1/4 million in small-scale industry and handicrafts, and a labour force of 160 million. 6 This may appear meagre, but India's per capita industrial output at independence was higher than elsewhere in Asia outside Japan, and more than half of India's exports were manufactures. British policy was less repressive to local industry than that of other colonial power, and ha d permitted the emergence of a small but powerful class of Indian entrepreneurs. It should be noted, however, that modern industry was heavily concentrated in Calcutta, Bombay and Ahmedabad. The area which was to become Pakistan had practically no industry at all.Table 3-2 Industrial Growth in the Last Half Century of British Rule Small-scale enterprise Employment Value added (thousands) (million 1938 rupees) 1900/1901 13,308 2,296 1945/1946 12,074 2,083 Factory establishments Employment Value added (thousands) (million 1938 rupees) 601 379 2,983 2,461 Source: S. Sivasubramonian, op. cit. , for employment and value added in factories. For small-scale enterprise I assume value added to move proportionately to employment. In the last half century of British rule the output of factory industry rose about six-fold (about 4. per cent a year) whereas the output of small-scale industry declined. Their joint output rose about two-thirds (1. 2 per cent a year), and per head of population, jo int output was rising by 0. 4 per cent a year. We know that output in the modern factory sector was zero in 1850, and if we assume that small enterprise output grew parallel with population from 1850 to 1900, then total industrial output would have grown by 0. 8 per cent a year in this period, or about 0. 3 per cent a year per head of population. Some increase seems plausible in this period of railway development and expanding international trade.It therefore seems possible that in the last century of British rule, per capita output of industrial goods rose by a third. But in the first century of British rule, i. e. 17571857, it seems certain that industrial output fell per head of population because (a) the home and domestic market for luxury goods was cut so drastically; (b) the home market for yarn and cheap cloth was invaded by foreign competition. Over the whole period of British rule it therefore seems likely that industrial output per head of the population was not significan tly changed.The Economic Burden of Foreign Rule The major burden of foreign rule arose from the fact that the British raj was a regime of expatriates. Under an Indian administration, income from government service would have accrued to the local inhabitants and not to foreigners. The diversion of upper-class income into the hands of foreigners 19 inhibited the development of local industry because it put purchasing power into the hands of people with a taste for foreign goods. This increased imports and was particularly damaging to the luxury handicraft industries.Another important effect of foreign rule on the long-run growth potential of the economy was the fact that a large part of its potential savings were siphoned abroad. This ‘drain' of funds from India to the UK has been a point of major controversy between Indian nationalist historians and defenders of the British raj. However, the only real grounds for controversy are statistical. There can be no denial that there wa s a substantial outflow which lasted for 190 years. If these funds had been invested in India they could have made a significant contribution to raising income levels.The first generation of British rulers was rapacious. Clive took quarter of a million pounds