Dwight D Eisenhower Essay -- essays research papers

Dwight’s Early Life Dwight D. Eisenhower was the third son of David and Ida Stover Eisenhower. He was born in 1890 in Denison, Texas, and named David Dwight Eisenhower, although he was known as Dwight David by many. In 1891, the family moved to Abilene, Kansas, where Eisenhower was brought up. He was the third of seven sons. He and his older brothers were all called â€Å"Ike† by their family, Eisenhower was known as â€Å"Little Ike†. In his high school years, he was known to excel in sports due to his active nature. After he graduated, Eisenhower wanted to attend college, but his family could not afford the tuition. Dwight and his brother planned to switch off between work and college every year in order to pay for each other’s tuition and allow them to both complete their education. In 1910, Eisenhower found that he could get a free college education at United States Military Academy at West Point, New York. The prerequisite for obtaining such involved passing a difficult exam. W hile Eisenhower had no original plans to be a soldier, he still prepared well for the competitive West Point entrance exam and won an appointment to the school in 1911. The Coming of a Commander in Chief Unknown to him at the time, Eisenhower would later lead many military forces though the course of both world wars, winning decisive victories and helping push America forward even before his own presidency. When the United States entered World War I in 1917, Eisenhower was promoted in the army and assigned to training duty for new cadets. He desperately wanted to see action during the war, and applied for an overseas assignment. His own skill would prevent him from participating in battle during that war. Higher officers saw the ability that he had as an organizer and trainer, and put him in command of Camp Colt at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, instead of granting his overseas request. One of the army’s first tank corps was being formed there, and Eisenhower trained the fighting unit. In the October of 1918 he finally got orders to take his units overseas, to France, but the war ended before he could leave America. Although disappointed at having missed combat, Eisenhower was reco gnized by his superiors for his efforts during the war. He was awarded the Distinguished Service Medal following the submission of German forces. After gaining much respect in the military field for his accompli... ...ho was true to his country, as there were few times in his life where he was not actively serving The United States. Helping our nation though two harsh wars as a trainer and commander, and attempting to tackle issues of great proportions during his presidency showed the strength, determination, and the great efforts put forth by this man to help shape the U.S. into the country that it is today. 1. Joann P. Krieg. Dwight D. Eisenhower Soldier, President, Statesman. Greenwood Press. Westport, Conn. 1987. 2. Clarefield, Gerard. Security with Solvency: Dwight D. Eisenhower and the Shaping of the American Military Establishment. Westport, CT, Praeger, 1999. 3. Divine, Robert A. Eisenhower and the Cold War. New York, Oxford University Press, 1981. 4. Broadwater, Jeff. Eisenhower and the Anti-Communist Crusade. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1992. 5. (Document) Beasley, Charles A. Grant and Eisenhower: A Comparative Study of the Soldier Turned Political Leader. Carlisle Barracks, PA, Army War College, March 1991. 6. (Periodical) Barclay, C. N. Dwight David Eisenhower 1890-1969: A Tribute to the Supreme Allied Commander, 1942-45. Army Quarterly 98

Gulliver’s Travels Essay -- Satire Satirical Essays

Gulliver’s Travels Gulliver’s Travels has set a standard for satirical writing for a long time, and Swift’s imaginative ability and talent can explain a lot of the text’s continued popularity. People can approach Gulliver’s Travels like a children’s book, and not search for deeper meaning. They read the story as a fantasy, and seek only to be entertained. Gulliver’s Travels is valuable and enjoyable for its plot and surface elements alone, but a deeper level of meaning and significance can be achieved if we take note of the satirical elements in the novel. Although to gain a full appreciation of the satire, the reader needs to be somewhat familiar with the events of Swift’s time. Taking the historical period in which Swift was writing into consideration, one of the major changes that was occurring was the shift to a more scientific, empirically-informed worldview (being advanced by the Royal Society of England and Francis Bacon). However, Swift and others were concerned that if this new scientific outlook could lead to disaster if it continued unchecked. Swift and other â€Å"nonconformists† argued that science without context could have widespread harmful consequences, and this position profoundly reveals itself in his satirical treatment of science and knowledge in Gulliver’s Travels. This paper will discuss Swift’s satirical treatment of these subjects in the novel. Several critics have pointed out that evidence exists that suggests that Swift was not uniformly opposed to all science (Phiddian 52). Therefore, it would seem unfair to read Swift’s satirical approach to science in Gulliver’s Travels as a full rejection of the science of his day-it would be overly simplistic and reductive. Swift was not an anti-Luddite. In fact, Swift was a proponent of science in some ways, but he reacted strongly against what he perceived as its abuse or exploitation. The satirical treatment of science in Gulliver’s Travels is more complex than an all-or-nothing rejection of the scientific mindset that was becoming increasingly popular in Swift’s time. Instead of objecting to the use of science in general, Swift seems to have had problems with a particular form of scientific research, and it is with this type of science/scientist that Swift is primarily concerned in Gulliver’s Travels. The type of science that Swift attacks is inapplicable science, or â€Å"pure... ...ss of the scientific worldview that was becoming more widespread during his lifetime. Swift himself was not opposed to all scientific endeavors, but Gulliver’s Travels provided a platform for him to explore the potential negative effects/affects of the â€Å"new science,† engaging in the exaggeration and absurdity that are essential to satire. Although Swift’s characterization of the Laputan scientists is distorted, it does successfully call into question the ultimate goal of science. Should scientific research be pursued because society has achieved the technology to perform them? My opinion is that Swift, through Gulliver’s Travels, argued that it should not automatically and necessarily be pursued. Works Cited Fitzgerald, Robert P. â€Å"Science and Politics in Swift’s Voyage to Laputa.† Journal of English and Germanic Philology 87: 213-29. Patey, Douglas Lane. â€Å"Swift’s Satire on ‘Science’ and the Structure of Gulliver’s Travels.† ELH 58.4: 809-39. Phiddian, Robert. â€Å"A Hopeless Project: Gulliver inside the Language of Science in Book III.† Eighteenth Century Life 22.1: 50-62. Swift, Jonathan. Gulliver's Travels. Ed. Greenberg, Robert A. 2nd ed. New York: Norton, 1970.

Multiple Access Relay Network :: Technology, Network

We consider a multiple access relay network where each source transmit channel coded packets, relay decode the transmitted packet, generate network coded parity symbol, and retransmit it. We assume the relay has multiple antennas, so relay to destination link is MIMO channel. We consider two MIMO transmission mode at the relay, spatial multiplexing (SM) and beamforming as transmit diversity (TD), and assume that the relay use different network coding scheme depending on the MIMO transmission mode. In other words, we consider a network with three types of linear combination; channel coding at the source, network coding at the relay, and mixing over the air with MIMO channel. The main objective of the paper is to propose a transmission mode selection scheme at the relay which optimize these three linear combinations concurrently. There are numerous work that optimize either the network coding, MIMO transmission mode, or data rate over multiple access relay channel. Network coding techniques for single antenna relay network has been addressed in [1] - [4]. Authors in [1] investigated the cooperative diversity gain offered by the network coding. Authors in [2] proposed a network coding scheme based on low-density parity-check (LDPC) codes that accounts for the lossy nature of wireless networks and showed that a significant coding/diversity gain can be achieved. Author in [3] investigated the tradeoff between reliability and rate as a function of node density and SNR, and showed how the energy and node density can be traded in achieving a given reliability-rate pair in single antenna case. Authors in [4] analyzed an network coded cooperation which adaptively match networks-on-graphs to the well-known class of codeson- graphs such as LDPC codes. This approach enables realtime adaptation of network codes to variant link states and changing network topologies. Network coding for multiple antennas have been studied for special network geometry in [5], [6]. Authors in [5] proposed a cross-layer design employing multiple antenna techniques and network coding called MIMO two-way relay for one dimensional mesh network and authors in [6] investigated the performance of MIMO network coding in bi-directional relay network. Adaptive relay protocol has been proposed for a network with single antenna relays in [7] - [9] and for a network with multiple antennas using amplify and forward protocol in [10], [11]. Authors in [11] proposed an adaptive antenna selection scheme at both the relay and the source for half-duplex MIMO amplify and forward relay protocol. Rate optimization for relay network has been addressed in [12], [13]. Authors in [12] proposed throughput optimal control policy for a parallel relay network with decode and forward protocol. Authors in [13] analyzed the performance of variable-rate two phase collaborative diversity protocols and optimized the transmission rate based on the node location.

Evidence Based Claim Essay

Elizabeth Moschella King and Obama make arguments against and for violence respectively; however; King’s rhetoric utilizes emotion and values, or pathos, to advance his idea of a †genuine civilization,† while Obama uses logic and realism to advance his idea of facing the â€Å"world as it is. † Though King and Obama are accepting the Nobel Peace Prize for different reasons, we find that they connect through their words in a way that makes them seem as though they aren’t decades apart. Each acknowledges that the world as it is, the good and the bad alike, needs to change.King accepted his award for all of the nonviolent movements he has caused for the equality of blacks, yet he acknowledges that not all nonviolent movements end in nonviolence. Fighting for what is right can often lead to â€Å"wounded justice, lying prostrate on the blood-flowing streets† (line 48). King even realizes that â€Å"one day mankind will bow before the altars of God and be crowned triumphant over war and bloodshed† (lines 53-54). It has become clear that King uses his emotion and religious values to get his point across to us; he uses words with such a power that can persuade his listeners to believe anything.He manipulates our minds and speaks with such a certainty that seems to connect with us the same way Obama does using logic and realism. Obama accepted his award for his extraordinary efforts to strengthen international diplomacy and cooperation between peoples. This means that he has accepted this prize for his efforts to make peace in a place where it had seemed near impossible. Yet, Obama too addresses that peace cannot come about with only nonviolent actions. The world as it is is full of war and fighting for your beliefs. â€Å"I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people† (lines 80-81).It is recognized that â€Å"†¦Evil does exist in the world. A nonviolent movemen t could not have halted Hitler’s armies. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda’s leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force is sometimes necessary is not a call to cynicism – it is a recognition of history; the imperfections of man and the limits of reason† (lines 81-85). Obama is using his way of logos when making these fact-based statements; he is using a form of truth and logic to get a listener emotionally connected with the world and realizing all of the horrible events that occur everyday.In this way Obama and King are similar; they both get the audience emotionally attached and moved by the words spoken. Anyone who listens to or reads either one of their acceptance speeches realizes how humble they both are about the prize, and are ashamed they didn’t do more to help the violent world. In a way, King would be proud of how far Obama has gotten in the world. Going from a fight for justice led by King for black rights to Obama, a black, e lected as the President of the United States, the world has taken a dramatic turn towards hope and prosperity.

Contract and Additional Work

Gary Porter Construction v. Fox Construction, Inc. , 2004 Ut. App. 354, 101 p. 3d 371 (2004). Facts: The University of Utah was in need of a women’s Gymnastics training facility so they subcontracted Fox Construction, Inc. to complete the project. For the soil and ground work Fox Construction, Inc. subcontracted with Gary Porter Construction. Gary Porter Construction, Inc. performed their work based on specific plans as well as some work outside of the plans. The combined total from the planned project was $146,740.The additional work completed at Fox’s request cost Gary Porter construction additional costs and Fox refused to pay for the additional work done outside the subcontract. Procedure: A suit was filed by Gary Porter in the Utah State Court against Fox with alleging breech of an implied-in-fact contract. The court granted summary judgment for Porter, which Fox later appealed to a state intermediate court. Issue: If sections of a contract are left out by mistake, is the contract still valid and enforceable? Were all the requirements of an implied-in-fact contract met?Holding: Yes Reasoning: The appellate court affirmed the lower courts summary judgment in favor of Porter. Fox knew that the additional work that Porter did would be followed up with an additional charge. Fox should have known that there would have been additional costs for the work outside of the planned procedure. Porter completed the work only after Fox’s manager requested it and it was implied to be additional from the start. The additional work not planned in the subcontract was valued at $161,309. 08 as well as the $135,441. 62 contacted value.The issue of the sections being mistakenly not represented in the contract is voided because Fox did not inform Porter about what all needed to be included. Decision and Remedy: Gary Porter Construction won against Fox Construction, Inc. Fox was ordered to pay Porter the balance of $161,309. 08 for the work done but was exclu ded in the original contract. Blackmon v. Iverson, 324 F. supp. 2d 602 (2005). Facts: In 1987 Jamil Blackmon met a promising high school basketball star, Allen Iverson. Blackmon supported Allen Iverson financially and provided other forms of support for his family as well, realizing his athletic potential.In 1994 Jamil Blackmon proposed a new nickname for the basketball star â€Å"The Answer†. The nickname would represent Mr. Iverson with clothing, sports apparel, and basketball shoes. Mr. Blackmon presented the idea to Allen and Allen agreed to give Blackmon 25 percent of profits from the nickname. Iverson was later drafted by the Philadelphia 76ers. After many months, Iverson entered a contract with Reebok, a shoe company, to manufacture, market, and sell a line of sportswear using the same nickname, â€Å"The Answer†. Blackmon moved to Philadelphia at the request of Mr. Iverson and has requested 25 percent of the profits on many occasions.Allen Iverson continues to receive pay from Reebok from the continuing product line. Procedure: Mr. Blackmon filed a suit in Federal District Court against Mr. Iverson for breach of an express contract to which Allen Iverson filed a motion to dismiss. Issue: Is past consideration sufficient to create a binding contract? Is continuous gracious conduct in exchange for a promise a valid consideration? Holding: No Reasoning: The court’s reasoning was fully based on past consideration. Mr. Iverson allegedly promised 25 percent of his profits because of three forms of consideration.First, Blackmon provided him with the nickname â€Å"The Answer†. Second, he helped Allen Iverson’s family, and third, he moved to Philadelphia when Iverson was drafted there. Mr. Iverson offered to pay Mr. Blackmon 25 percent long before entering a contract with Reebok. These forms of past consideration make the contract invalid. There were no valid forms of consideration to make a valid express contract between the two men. Decision and Remedy: Allen Iverson won the case. The United States District Court, eastern District of Pennsylvania, granted Allen Iverson’s motion to dismiss.Vokes v. Arthur Murray, Inc. , 212 So. 2d 906 (Ct. App. Fl. 1986). Facts: Audrey E. Vokes, a widow with no family, had a passion for dancing and wanted to become a successful dancer and find a new interest in life. In 1961 Arthur Murray, Inc. , a franchise that has taught about 20 million people to dance, invited Audrey to a dance party. When she attended her instructors told her about her potential as a successful dancer due to her excellent grace and poise. After being told about her â€Å"good† potential, she bought eight half-hour dances for $14. 50 each to be used in one month.Throughout the next sixteen months she continued to buy these lessons totaling $31,090. 45. Ms. Vokes eventually began to realize that her instructors were only telling her what she wanted to hear and she was not actually goo d at dancing. Procedure: Vokes filed a suit against Arthur Murray, Inc. for fraudulent misrepresentation. After being dismissed in trial court, Vokes appealed her complaint to the District Court of Florida. Issue: If a party possesses expertise, can a statement of opinion be regarded as a statement of fact and be actionable? Holding: Yes.Reasoning: Misrepresentation cannot regard opinions; they must contain facts. If one party has a statement that could be considered an opinion, it could result being a factual statement based on the amount of superior knowledge contained by that party. Using the â€Å"reasonable person† method, Vokes would potentially have reason to believe that Arthur Murray Inc. has superior knowledge of her dance potential. When her instructors Revels v. Miss America Organization, __N. C. __, 641 S. E. 2d 721 (2007). Facts: Miss North Carolina Pageant Organization, Inc. (MNCPO) is a franchise of Miss America Organization (MAO).Under contract between these two parties, MNCPO holds a state competition to select a finalist for the national competition ran by MAO. On June 22, 2002, Rebekah Revels was selected to be Mrs. North Carolina. On July19, 2002 an anonymous e-mail said came out stating that Mrs. Revels cohabitated with a male non-relative and that nude photos of her existed. Mrs. Revels came out and confirmed that the photos existed. MAO and MNCPO approached Revels and asked her to resign from her position as Miss North Carolina or else she would be excluded from the national competition.On July 23, 2002 Mrs. Revels ended up resigning from her Miss North Carolina position. Procedure: Revels resulted in filing a suit in the North Carolina state court against MAO, MNCPO, and other organizations for breach of contract. The court issued a summary judgment in MAO’s favor to which Revels appealed to a state intermediate appellate court. Issue: Must a contract be executed for the direct, and not incidental, benefit of the third pa rty in order to assert rights as a third party beneficiary? Holding: Yes.Reasoning: A person isn’t the direct beneficiary of a contract if the contract benefits that person but wasn’t intended to benefit that person. A person is the direct beneficiary of a contract only if the contracting parties intend to confer a legally enforceable benefit directly to that person. Revels was unable to prove that MAO’s contract was intended to have her be the sole beneficiary because anyone who wins can be the beneficiary under the franchise agreement. The agreement did state that the MAO will accept the MNCPO winner but this does not show that Mrs.Revels was the intended beneficiary of this agreement. Rebekah Revels was an incidental beneficiary of the agreement because she won the pageant and does not have enforceable rights against Miss America Organization based on their agreement with MISS north Carolina Pageant Organization Inc. Decision and Remedy: Based on the agreemen t between the two organizations, Revels was an incidental beneficiary and therefore couldn’t maintain any actions against them. The state intermediate appellate court affirmed the lower court’s decision in favor of MAO.

Pay Equity In Labor Force Movement Essay

Debates about women’s rights at work and the gendered dimensions of employment inequality were notable and contested features of Canadian political discourse throughout the second half of the twentieth century. Concern about these issues took root during the 1940s, when women experienced dramatic shifts in their employment opportunities as a result of being drawn into and later jettisoned from the reserve army of wartime labor. Pressure to improve women’s employment conditions, particularly in the burgeoning public sector, recurred in the mid-1950s. However, it was in the 1960s, once the second wave of feminism took root in Canada, that women began to develop a sustained critique of the employment inequalities they experienced and pressure their governments to address the problem through policy innovation and change. (Westhues, 45-58) From the outset of second-wave feminism, women advanced analyses of employment inequality that took account of their labor in both the public and domestic spheres. As Brockman noted, activists â€Å"drew attention, as had never been done before, to the fundamental incompatibility between reproductive labor and child care, on the one hand, and paid work on the other, as well as to the profound consequences of this incompatibility. † (Brockman, 78-93) While liberal, radical, and socialist feminists approached this issue from different ideological vantage points, they shared a common belief that the causes of gender inequality in employment were not rooted solely in the workplace. Only, they claimed, if questions about women’s employment in the public sphere were addressed in tandem with questions about their labor in the domestic sphere would the gendered dimensions of employment inequality be fully understood. In particular, feminists thought that women’s maternal work had to be recognized in discussions about promoting gender equality in the workplace. As Westhues, a well-known socialist feminist, once argued, â€Å"As long as women have the primary responsibility for maintenance of the home and for child care, we will be less than able to pursue job opportunities and our domestic commitments will be used to justify discriminatory employment practices. † (Westhues, 45-58) Growing awareness of the need to link questions about production and reproduction in analyses of women’s economic position was by no means unique to Canadian feminism. It was, for example, well established in the early writing of second-wave feminists in Britain and the United States. What did, however, distinguish Canadian feminists from their counterparts in these other liberal democracies was an ability to work together, despite ideological differences, in order to advance this double-edged critique of gender inequality in employment. Right from the start of the contemporary women’s movement, Canadian feminists engaged with the state, demanding policies that recognized the link between women’s employment opportunities and the provision of child care. Canadian feminists lobbied both federal and provincial governments about the need to improve women’s employment opportunities and expand the provision of child care. It was in the federal arena, however, that women (outside Quebec) focused their demands for the development of policies that acknowledged the link between these two issues. In some respects, this federal focus was surprising. After all, only one-tenth of the Canadian labor force is regulated by the federal government, and even at the start of second-wave feminism both federal and provincial governments had been involved in employment opportunity and child care initiatives. Moreover, even though the federal government has the constitutional capacity to use its spending power to underwrite the provision of state-subsidized child care, it is the provinces that retain constitutional control over the delivery of this service. The federal focus of women’s campaigns was encouraged by the fact that the renaissance of Canadian feminism occurred within the context of a broader social project to achieve universal welfare guarantees, assured by the Canadian state. It was reinforced by the government of Canada’s decision to establish the 1967 Royal Commission on the Status of Women (RCSW) to inquire how best the federal government could ensure that women enjoyed â€Å"equal opportunities with men in all aspects of Canadian society. † It has since been sustained by the work of activists in national organizations, in particular the National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC), founded in 1972, and the Canadian Day Care Advocacy Association (CDCAA), established in 1982 and renamed the Child Care Advocacy Association of Canada (CCAAC) in 1992. However, despite a long history of feminist engagement with the federal state, women’s repeated campaigns for the development of policies to address the double-edged nature of gender inequality in employment, and the clear recognition of these demands in reports of royal commissions and task forces, the federal policy response has been uneven. Policies to eradicate sex discrimination at work and promote women’s employment opportunities have been developed and implemented in the federal policy sphere. By contrast, the federal government has not developed policies to promote a publicly funded system of child care in order to enhance women’s employment opportunities, save as emergency measures during the Second World War or as an element of broader initiatives to get â€Å"welfare mothers† out to work. Instead it has treated child care as a fiscal issue for which parents can receive subsidies through federal taxation. This paper examines why a double-edged interpretation of women’s employment inequality, which recognizes the public and domestic dimensions of women’s work, has not been fully absorbed into federal policies to promote gender equality in the sphere of employment. The analysis follows the development of debates about women’s rights at work from the period of reconstruction after the Second World War, when questions about eradicating employment discrimination against worker-citizens first emerged in Canadian political debate, through to the close of the twentieth century. It examines federal policy developments under Liberal and Conservative governments, showing that even though the reports of federal royal commissions and task forces encoded feminist demands for a double-edged attack on employment inequality, questions about promoting women’s employment equality and child care were continually driven apart in the federal policy process. Women’s Paid and Caring Work  While this is by no means the first time that scholars have considered the relationship between Canadian women’s work inside and outside the home, it is noticeable how the link between these two aspects of women’s labor was explored by historians and sociologists before being addressed by analysts of public policy. In the late 1970s, members of the Women’s History Collective at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education and the Clio Collective in Montreal pioneered research in Canada on how women’s labor had shifted from the unpaid domestic sphere into the world of paid employment. In the process, they unearthed textual and oral histories that demonstrated how, despite this transition, women still faced the double bind of a double-day in which they went out to work for pay and home to work for love. Their findings were reinforced in late 1970s and 1980s by sociological analyses of women’s work arguing that because women so often entered employment while maintaining primary responsibility for the care of their children, they frequently found themselves concentrated in low-paid, low-status employment. Despite the fact that historians, sociologists, and feminist activists drew attention to the â€Å"double ghetto† of women’s working lives, discussions about policies to promote women’s employment opportunities and improve the provision of child care evolved as distinct scholarly debates. The literature on policies to promote Canadian women’s employment opportunities emerged within the context of broader discussions and debates about the development of policies to root out discrimination in the workplace. By contrast, the literature on Canadian child care policy evolved around questions about the development, cost, and politics of implementing public policies to promote the welfare, education, care, and development of young children. In recent years, however, policy analysts have paid much greater attention to the link between women’s paid and caring work. Jacobs, 120-128) Nonetheless, no one has yet considered why Canadian government policies to promote women’s employment opportunities and improve the provision of child care have been developed at such different rates and, despite repeated calls to the contrary, not linked in the design of public policies to promote gender equality in federally regulated employment. This pattern of inquiry is understandable, given the discrete historical development of policies concerned with child care and those concerned with women’s employment. However, it unduly limits our understanding of the gendered dimensions of employment inequality in Canada and fails to capture the empirical reality of many women’s working lives. Double-Edged Nature of Women’s Employment Inequality Why did women’s double-edged demand for equal employment opportunities and child care emerge in Canada in the 1960s and 1970s? After all, from the mid-1950s Canada experienced one of the fastest rates of labor force feminization in the Western industrialized world. The decline of manufacturing industries and the concomitant growth of the tertiary sector in the 1950s and 1960s meant that while industries that had traditionally attracted men closed down, those demanding support skills that had long characterized women’s traditional domestic roles expanded. Moreover, in countries like Canada, where welfare states were being established, the growth in women’s employment intensified most quickly. The much trumpeted rise in female labor force participation rates did not, however, mean that women engaged in paid employment on the same terms as men. The occupational segregation of Canadian men and women persisted in both horizontal and vertical forms. In fact, this process intensified with the increased participation of women in the paid labor force. As a result, the vast majority of women found themselves working in poorly paid occupations, situated in the lower echelons of private companies and public sector organizations. Moreover, as Jacobs have noted, although the creation of welfare states meant that â€Å"women as a group had more employment opportunities open up for them than men† in the mid-twentieth century, the growth in women’s employment was in the part-time sector of the labor force, which was increasingly dominated by women in all OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries. Jacobs, 120-128) This simply intensified the inequalities of employment opportunity that women experienced because part-time work is concentrated in the least-skilled, lowest-paid, and most poorly organized sections of the labor force, where benefits are usually more limited than in the full-time sector. The rapid growth in women’s participation in part-time rather than fulltime employment reflects two other factors about the feminization of the Canadian labor force. On the one hand, it relates to the type of work that the service sector has generated and to the increasing flexibility demanded of its employees. On the other hand, it reflects the fact that the greatest increase in female labor force participation rates since the 1960s has been among women with young children. In the early 1960s, most female employees in Canada would leave the workforce when their first child was born and return only when their youngest child had entered school. By the mid-1980s most women with young children went out to work. Indeed, as Pendakur have noted, â€Å"By 1991 all traces of the reproduction function had disappeared with female labor force participation rates peaking in the major family-rearing age categories†. The double burden that women experience from juggling their employment while continuing to care for their children has been reinforced by the limited provision of subsidized child care spaces in Canada. In the late 1960s, when women began to pressure the federal government to address the minimal provision of child care for working women, federal subsidies for child care were limited to support for welfare mothers under the 1966 Canada Assistance Plan. This pattern changed very little in the course of the twentieth century, although federal subsidies to support child care for low-income families became increasingly tied to efforts to get mothers receiving welfare out to work. Although recent federal publications on the status of day care in Canada boast â€Å"a twenty-five-fold increase† in child care spaces since the government first gathered these data in 1971, in fact the proportion of children of working mothers who have access to regulated child care remains very low. As a result, most working parents remain highly dependent on informal, unregulated child care. Indeed, as Brockman noted, in the mid-1990s â€Å"children in informal child care arrangements accounted for eighty per cent of all child care used by parents in Canada. † (Brockman, 78-93) The federal state in Canada has addressed questions about promoting equal employment opportunities for men and women in the public sphere with relative ease but has failed to recognize that this project cannot be achieved without addressing the questions of child care that affect so many women’s working lives. While the reasons for this are complex, some insights from feminist theory may help us to begin this exploration. In recent years, a number of feminist theorists have discussed how the concept of worker-citizenship that took root as welfare states were developed in countries such as Canada did not take account of the different contexts in which women and men often assumed employment. (Pendakur, 111-120) As a result, when questions about promoting equal employment opportunities for men and women began to emerge in the 1950s and ’60s, they were framed in terms of women achieving the same opportunities as men. Indeed, Canadian have tried to develop a more nuanced concept of worker citizenship that not only respects the objective of equality of opportunity but also takes workers’ particular circumstances into account and, in the case of women, enables them to integrate their paid and caring work better. In the process, women have argued that a state that upholds the principle of gender equality must develop policies that take account of the interconnectedness of the public and domestic spheres and recognize the different contexts in which men and women often assume employment. Conclusion Nonetheless, although Canadian feminists have a long history of active engagement with the state, developed through a â€Å"visible and articulate women’s movement† that has successfully placed issues on the political agenda, the result, more often than not, has been that their demands have been contained within a limited set of reforms. As a result, those aspects of gender discrimination in the workplace that concern practices within the public sphere have been acknowledged through the introduction of anti-discrimination and employment equity policies. By contrast, women have had more difficulty getting their proposals for policies that transcend the public/ private divide, by linking questions of equal employment opportunity with those of child care, acknowledged in the federal policy arena. Despite their efforts to forge these links through two major royal commissions and other government inquiries, problems of gender inequality in employment are still primarily defined as issues located within the public sphere of employment. Without doubt, over the past thirty years there have been clear improvements in the position of women in the federally regulated section of the Canadian labor force. Nonetheless, women continue to cluster in the lower echelons of companies and organizations and remain under-represented in more senior positions. While this persistent pattern of inequality has many causes, paper shows how it reflects a federal policy process that concentrates on ensuring the comparable treatment of male and female employees once they have entered the labor market, yet, for complex reasons, repeatedly stalls on developing a more expansive approach to child care. As a result, federal policies to promote gender equality in the sphere of employment neglect the inequalities of access and participation that many women experience as they continue or resume employment once they have dependent children.

Sexual Biography

To be honest, I do not remember any milestone or turning point of my sexual biography. My sexual awareness came smoothly and naturally as I grew up. The events I am going to tell will be pretty vague in terms of time order and my feelings. I have no idea when I began noticing that girls and boys have different parts but it was not earlier than my first grade. However, I did notice that there was something from the girls in class that made me blush and acting awkwardly when I had to talk to them.Also, the boys in my fourth grade talked about condom everyday, so I perhaps knew how condom was used, but it would not be a proper way even before I were aware of what a penis could do. I masturbated quite often until I were 14 and had a first relationship. The reason were self masturbated felt good andI thought no one would know about it. But my dad knew eventually. One day he talked to me about it, but in an awkward way. That time I was embarrassed, but I also wondered why he had to behave so unnaturally. He expected me to tell my little brother later on, but I never told him so I bet he did it himself.I read much about masturbation and knew people found it embarrassing themselves when doing it, but I have never thought masturbation was a guilty behavior or some kind of sins. I barely asked my parents about how I was born. Actually we did not talk much about everything. I remember I asked my mom just one time. She pointed at her navel and said I came from that little hole and I believed her. When I was around 12, I still wondered is if girls are interested in taking about boys? Of course I didn’t know what they would do together! I didn’t even wonder if girls masturbate.I thought they were some kind of godlike creature, some kind of angels that don’t do things boys do. But now I know female also want the things male want, although they want less than male do. Also, I liked a girl who was 2 years younger than me in middle school. I was bothered by the fact that I have had wanted a girlfriend in the same age. I thought I should not like that girl, that it was immoral and going against the natural order of the community. I fought against those thoughts and eventually gave up. After that, I didn’t think it immoral anymore†¦ I am recently in a relationship with a young lady who is 2 years younger than me.We have sex and were very clear about premarital sex. Unlike before I now have very clear position about controversial issues such as premarital sex, abortion, gay marriage and transgender. I am also aware of condom, menstruation, pregnancy, masturbation, oral sex and sex positions†¦ The fact were I and my partner agreed not to have sex until marriage, but we failed and committed to intercourse sex 3 times per week. It has been 2 years since we started having sex and it feel good and splendid. But more than that, we feel great and secure since we are together.